The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Syamsuddin - Core


The history of Bone A.D. 1775-1795: The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Syamsuddin

being a Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

in the Centre for South-East Asian Studies, University of Hull


Rahilah Omar B.A. (Hons) Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia M.A. University of Hull

November 2003


Acknowledgements Throughout the course of my Doctoral study, and in all the places it has taken me, I have met with great generosity of spirit and willingness to help. I would like to thank all those without whose individual contributions the completion of this thesis would not have been possible. I am greatly indebted to the University Kebangsaan Malaysia for its generous sponsorship of my study. My special thanks are due to the Head of the Department of History, University Kebangsaan Malaysia, and to the departmental staff members, for their understanding and support in making it possible for me to complete this research. I wish to thank my supervisor, Dr. LA. Caldwell, who, as well as being my mentor. has been a good friend. Dr. Caldwell has tirelessly provided advice and guidance, and taught me never to underestimate the value of knowledge. To him I would like to say 'Terima kasih yang tidak terhingga'. Throughout my research activities I have had the assistance of many different institutions and individuals. I take this opportunity to thank: The staff of the Centre for Southeast Asian Studies for their support, assistance, and encouragement during the writing of the thesis; The Department of Dutch Studies at the University of Hull deserves special mention. Prof. B.S. Schludermann and Dr. R.M. Vismans have helped me enormously by organising appropriate language training, including a course on Dutch for historians. Special thanks go to Agaath de Vries for her help in translating source materials and to Madeleine Lee for her help in interpreting Dutch manuscripts. To all four I would like to say: "Bedankt, lieve mensen". The staff of the BrYlllllore Jones Library at the University of Hull; The staff of the Oriental and Indian Office Library in the British Library, in particular Dr. Annabel Gallop, Curator for the Indonesian and Malay Manuscripts, who gave me much help, advice and encouragement; The staff of the library of the School for Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, and the staff of the Royal Asiatic Society in London. In the Netherlands, too, are people and institutions to whom I am indebted: I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Roger Tol, the Senior Librarian of the Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal-, Land, en Volkenkunde, for the assistance given to me during the time I spent there, and to the staff of the Institute; The staff of the library of the State University of Leiden and to the staff of the Algemeen Rijksarchiefin The Hague. In Indonesia and in Malaysia, I would like to thank the following people: Dr. Mukhlis Paeni, Director of the National Archives, and the staff, and the staff at the National Archive in Makassar. South Sulawesi: The staff at the Manuscript Collections of the National Library of Indonesia The staff of the library of Universitas Indonesia



The staff of the library of Universitas Gadja Mada The staff of the library of the University of Malaya. I would like to thank the staff of the several institutions in South Sulawesi: In Makassar, the staff at Balai Pengembangan Budaya dan Bahasa, the Museum of Fort Rotterdam, Universitas Hasanuddin, Universitas Negeri Makassar, Perpustakaan Negeri Sulawesi Selatan, the Department of Census and Statistics of South Sulawesi. the Department of Agriculture of South Sulawesi, and the Department of Education and Culture of South Sulawesi. In Bone, my special thanks go to the Bupati of Bone, the Head of the Department of Education, kabupaten Bone, the Head of the Department of Agriculture, kabupaten Bone and the Head of Justice, kabupaten Bone. I am greatly indebted to Drs. Muhlis Hadrawi, my Bugis teacher, who was extremely helpful in providing information and who was always willing to accompany me during fieldwork. I am also indebted to Prof. Dr. Ide Said, Petta Nompok Andi Muhamad Ali, Ustaz Kassim and Drs. Muhammad Salim for helping me to source and to read Bugis materials. I would also like to acknowledge the contributions of the following people: My special thanks go to Prof. Dr. Teuku Ibrahim Alfian who treated me as his own daughter who supported and advised me on my research and throughout the writing of my thesis. Pak Sirtjo, Ibu Ice, Ibu Rosemary, Hans and Cici, who helped me to feel at home and who made difficult times easier when I was in Leiden. Pak Ali and family with whom I stayed during my research at Jakarta. My thanks go to Dr. Alimin and family who willingly accommodated me, and to the staff members at Wisma Rektor where I stayed when I arrived in the city. In Bone: I am grateful to Petta Awampone Andi Mappasissi Andi Mappasere and family with whom I stayed and from whom I learnt about Bugis cultural practices. Also to Tante Mame and family whom I regard as my family and who provided much help. I would also like to thank Bapak Puang Haji Andi Samsuddin and family, Ustaz Ahmad and family, Ustaz Ismail, Ir. Haji Ariswan, Usman, Nur Fatin, Rahmayani, Basiah, Atika and Jumiah. My friends Sue, Kaya, Peter, Dinar, Steve, Helmi, Hizam, Wan Asma', Farida, Rokiah and Rose, I thank their generosity and encouragement. My family have given me great support, morally and financially throughout my study. I would like to express my gratitude to my husband, Nabil, and also to my mother-in-law for her help in looking after my son when I was away. To my son, Safwan, who has had to make his own sacrifices at such a young age, thank you so much for your cooperation and understanding. Lastly, to my parents who have always been my source of inspiration and who are always comforting, I thank both of you and may Allah bestow us with His blessings. I may have omitted some names but I will never forget all the assistance, and the friendships that I have been given. Barakallah H'a Jazakallahu khairan kathira. I dedicate this work to the Bugis people. '"'Tak kenai maka tak cinta".



This thesis uses an interdisciplinary approach, combining the findings of anthropology with historical and archival research, to evaluate Bugis diaries to provide historical information relating to the kingdom of Bone in the late eighteenth century. The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, which covers the period 1775 to 1795, forms the primary material for the study, and is examined alongside other, selected Bugis diaries. The first three chapters form the conceptual framework against which the Bugis diary must be understood. The methodology is set out in Chapter One. The second chapter provides historical, geographical and ethnological information about South Sulawesi; it introduces the Bugis and the regency of Bone, and discusses Bugis written tradition and the knowledge it reflects. Chapter Three is concerned with the Bugis language, its origin and the development of the written script. The specificity of the Bugis diaries as a distinct category of indigenous written works is discussed. Chapters Four, Five and Six apply the methodology to the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, cross-referencing its entries to other contemporary primary sources. Throughout, the function of the court diary is considered, and its limitations, most notably concerning the objectivity, are identified and discussed. Chapter Four examines the political life of Bone, the most powerful and important of the Bugis kingdoms of South Sulawesi in the eighteenth century. Centering on particular episodes that occurred during his reign, the reliability of the king's diary is tested. In Chapter Five, information from the diary is used to produce an account of the economy of Bone and to describe a number of traditional economic practices of the inner circle at court. Chapter Six analyses what can be learned from his diary of the diverse social, cultural and religious practices in which the king was involved. Chapter Seven, in conclusion, reflects on the character of Sultan Ahmad asSalleh, who ruled Bone from 1775 until his death in 1812. No physical memory of him has survived in South Sulawesi. His memorial is his diary and the light that it sheds on Bone's past.








List of contents


List of abbreviations


List of figures


List of maps


List of tables


Chapter One: Background


1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3




Research objectives Research methodology Area of study The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Problems of research Structure and layout of the thesis


2 2

3 3

Chapter Two: The Bugis and their writing culture



5 5 8

2.1 2.1.1 2.1.2 ') ')


2.2.2 2.3 2.4

Introduction South Sulawesi: a general overview The Bugis of South Sulawesi The regency of Bone The writing culture of the Bugis The development of the Bugis written tradition The Bugis writings Literature review Summary and conclusions

10 12

13 16 17



Chapter Three: The Bugis diaries


3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.5.1 3.5.2 3.5.3 3.6

23 23

Introduction Philological introduction Historical background of the Bugis diaries The Bugis scripts and its development The Bugis diaries: a general overview The BL MS. Add. 12354, the DAS The script and the language of DAS The layout of the diary The contents of DAS The hUang The Bugis diary: identifying the 'moment in time' Summary and conclusions

35 38 40 42 45 47

Chapter Four: The diary as a historical text: Political events


3.7 3.8

4.0 4.1

4.1.1 4.1.2 4.1.3 4.1.4 4.2 4.2.1 4.2.2 4.2.3 4.3 4.3.1 4.3.2 4.4 4.4.1 4.4.2 4.4.3 4.4.4 4.4.5 4.4.6 4.5

Introduction The death of Sultan Abdul Razak and the election of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh as the Crown Prince The ancestry of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh The election of Ahmad as-Salleh as the twenty-third Arumpone The 100 days of mourning The early months of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh as Arumpone I Sangkilang: pretender to the throne of Gowa I Sangkilang: the persona The cause of the downfall of Gowa The key role of Arung Palakka The involvement of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in Gowa's crisis DAS' account of events following the fall of Gowa in 1778 A review of I Sangkilang's rebellion The regalia of Gowa: a conflict The appointments of the Governor of Makassar and the ruler of Gowa The question of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's dual rulership The contest for the sudang The submission of the hill Makasars to the Company The issue of the sudang: a hidden agenda The sudang: a drawn-out affair Summary and conclusions

24 28



48 48 50 52 56 63 65 67 68

72 75

78 80 80

81 84

87 90 91



Chapter Five: The diary as a historical text: Events on economy


5.0 5.1 5.1.2 5.1.3 5.2 5.2.1 5.2.2 5.2.3 5.2.4 5.2.5 5.2.6 5.2.7 5.2.8 5.3 5.3.1 5.3.2 5.3.3 5.3.4 5.4 5.4.1 5.4.2 5.4.3 5.4.4 5.5 5.5.1 5.5.2 5.5.3 5.5.4 5.5.5 5.6 5.6.1 5.6.2 5.6.3 5.6.4 5.7

Introduction The economy of the Bugis: an introduction Description of agricultural produce Trade and commodities DAS on the economy of Bone Subsistence of agriculture: The cultivation of wet-rice Agricultural rites and the annual cycle of rice cultivation The labour economy Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's ownership of rice-fields The Arumpone's revenues from rice cultivation Fish and fish fanning Types of fishing equipment Other activities relating to fishing Land and the kasuwiyang Types of land The kasuwiyang Land taxes and disputes over land A personal conflict with the paghter, Intje' Sadulla Trade The decline of the VOC Types of currency used Agreements and disputes on trading DAS on the Chinese communities Slavery The tenninology of slavery in DAS Downward social mobility: from freeman to slave Upwards social mobility: from slave to favoured servant or freeman DAS as a record on slaves DAS on the economic importance of slaves Other revenues Grant from the Dutch Tax from the Cenrana river toll bar Financial penalties and gambling revenues Deer hunting Summary and conclusions

98 98 100 102 103 104 108 110 111 112 116 117 120 121 121 124 132 141 143 143 145 147 152 154 155 158 163 165 169 176 176 177 180 198 190

Chapter Six: The diary as a historical text: Social and cultural events


6.0 6.1 6.1.1 6.2 6.3

193 193 196 199 203

Introduction Bugis society: Social hierarchy The social status in Bone as exhibited in official office Kinship in Bone DAS on material culture




6.3.1 Rites of passage on birth 6.3.2 Royal births and post natal mortalities 6.3.3 Marriage and divorce in Bugis society 6.3.4 Dowries as status sYmbols 6.3.5 The wedding 6.3.6 Traditional customs after the wedding ceremony 6.3.7 Divorce and polygamy among members of the court of Bone 6.4 DAS on non-material culture 6.4.1 Performing arts 6.4.2 Types of dances and their purposes 6.5 Scribal activities 6.5.1 Literary activities in the court of Bone 6.5.2 Hobbies and leisure activities Cock-fighting Horse riding River sailing 6.6 Religious activities 6.6.1 The hajj 6.6.2 DAS on hajj 6.6.3 The official procedure on hajj in the eighteenth century 6.6.4 International relations between Bone and Mecca 6.6.5 Activities during the fasting month of Ramadhan 6.6.6 The Khalwatiyyah tariqa in Bone 6.7 The tradition of mangngaruq 6.7.1 The investiture of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh 6.8 The tradition of giving and receiving gifts 6.8.1 The social SYmbolism of gifts 6.8.2 Types of gifts 6.9 Summary and conclusions

205 206 208 210 213 21.+ 218 218 219 224 225 231 232 23.+ 239 244 244 245 247 248 250 252 254 257 263 266 269 273

Chapter Seven: Conclusions






Appendices: a. Genealogies of the rulers of Bone from the first ruler to post independence Indonesia

3 19

b. The family tree of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh






List of abbreviations A.D. A.H. a.m. anon. ANRI Ar. B.C. BKI BL B. c. cf D. DAS Depdikbud


P. r.


Anno Domini (Christian Era) Anno Hijrah (Muslim Calendar) before noon anonymous Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia (Archive National Republic of Indonesia) Arab Before Christ Bijdragen Tot de Taal, Land-en Volkenkunde British Library Bugis czrca confer Dutch Diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (Department of Education and Culture) Diary of Jennang of Maros Diary of Maqdanrang Diary of Tomarilalang Maiolo English East India Company Folio(s) French Hijrah, Muslim calendar Indonesia Journal of Asian Studies Journal of the Malaysian Branch, Royal Asiatic Society Journal of Southeast Asian History Journal of Southeast Asian Studies Kilogrammes Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal-, Land,- en Volkenkunde Makasar/ Makassar (of manuscripts) Malay Manuscript(s) no pagination Oriental and Indian Office Collections Oriental Record after noon Peace Be Upon Him Perpustakaan Nasional Indonesia Portuguese recto of a page; reigned Royal Asiatic Society Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs School of Oriental and African Studies Sun'cj Sosio-Ekonomi Nasional



Tijdschrift voor Taal-, Land, en Volkenkunde ,'an lVederlansch Indie University of Malaya Universitas Hasanuddin Ujung Pandang (former name of Makassar) verso of a page Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie Yayasan Kebudayaan Sulawesi Selatan dan Tenggara


List of figures

Figure 3.1: Figure 3.2: Figure 3.3: Figure 3.4: Figure 3.5: Figure 3.6: Figure 3.7: Figure 6.1: Figure 6.2: Figure 6.3: Figure 6.4: Figure 6.5: Figure 6.6: Figure 6.7: Figure 6.8: Figure 6.9: Figure 6.10:

Average percentage of entries in DAS for 1775-1795 The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Drawing of a house to indicate the construction of a building Drawing of an umbrella to indicate the investiture ceremony of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Layout of the diary, DAS The Bugis bUang Spacing of the script as in an indicator of time in DAS Social stratification late eighteenth century Bone The administrative structure in the kingdom of Bone The office ofjennang in Bone The Bugis kinship terminology Mortality figure for babies and mothers, 1775-1795 Sketches of the seal of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Number of pilgrims from South Sulawesi, 1775-1795 Items given at pakkuru sumangeq, 1775-1795 Items used in the paccellaq, 1775-1795 Presents given by the Arumpone and the Queen to the bride and groom, 1775-1795

34 35 37 37 39 44 46 195 198 198 202 206 231 246 270 270




List of maps

Map 2.1: Map 2.2:

Sulawesi (Celebes) Map of languages of South Sulawesi

7 8



List of tables

Table 3.1: Table 3.2: Table 3.3: Table 3.4: Table 3.5: Table 3.6: Table 3.7: Table 3.8: Table 3.9: Table 5.1: Table 5.2: Table 5.3: Table 5.4: Table 5.5: Table 5.6: Table 5.7: Table 5.8: Table 5.9: Table 5.10: Table 5.11: Table 5.12:

Years covered by diaries from Bone held in various collections List of Bugis diaries List of Bugis aksara List of some of the Bugis diaries and years of coverage Lists of names of months in DAS The pariamang eight year cycle Contents of DAS Cycles of the hilang 3, 5, 9 and 20 Basic time division in DAS Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's rice-fields in Bone Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's rice-fields in Maros Revenues of paddy, rice and money from Bone and other areas for the year 1782 Revenues of paddy, rice and money from Maros for the year 1782 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's revenues of paddy, rice and sales of paddy for the years 1783, 1784 and 1785 Payments of kasuwiyang from the people of Bajoe to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, 1782-1795 A list of kasuwiyang received by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh for the year 1791 Record of slaves received and slaves given away by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, 1780-1789 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's financial transactions relating to slaves, 1775-1795 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's revenue from the Cenrana river, 1776-1795 Financial penalties received by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, 1775-1795 The Arumpone's revenues in cash and in kinds

26 27 29 34 38 40 40 43 46 111 111 114 114 115 127 132 171 172 179 185 191

Chapter One



The research objective

The objective of this thesis is to establish what can be learnt from the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh about the politics, economy, society and culture of the Kingdom of Bone from 1775 to 1795. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary is one of the ten Bugis diaries held in the British Library. None of these diaries has ever been examined by a historian. Together they offer a remarkable, untapped wealth of information on life and politics at the court of Bone, the most powerful and important of the Bugis kingdoms of South Sulawesi in the eighteenth century.


Research methodology

This thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach, combining the findings of anthropology with historical and archival research. In the last two decades the historical methodology used to study South Sulawesi has moved away from a single approach using archival materials, in favour of a multi-disciplinary approach combining textual and non-textual sources. In his book The Bugis (1996), Pelras not only makes use of library research on indigenous Bugis manuscripts as his primary sources but also data acquired through interviews with local people; in addition he spent many years as an anthropologist observing the culture and customs of the Bugis. Bulbeck and Caldwell (2000) combine textual, archaeological and oral sources in their study of the Kingdom of Luwu. A similar approach is taken by Fadhilah and Sumantri (2000) in Kedatuan LLrH'u: PerspektifArkeologi, Sejarah dan Antropologi.

Library research was done at a number of institutions: at the British Library, the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, the Royal Asiatic Society in London~

the library of the State University of Leiden and the Royal Institute of

Linguistics and Anthropology (Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal, Land-en Volkunkunde) in Leiden and the National Archive in Den Haag, The Netherlands; the National Archive (Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia) and the National Library (Perpustakaan Nasional Indonesia) in Jakarta; and the National Archive (Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia) in Makassar (formerly Ujung Pandang). South Sulawesi. In addition, I also

tracked down copies of Bugis manuscripts at the library of the University of Malaya. Kuala Lumpur. Most manuscripts I consulted are in the form of bound codices; some are on microfilm. Apart from library research, I pursued this study by interviewing local people who have knowledge of the history of the area. Most of my respondents were elderly people of noble birth who keep original manuscripts that have been passed down from their forefathers. To balance their elite viewpoints, I also interviewed local people of common birth and local academics interested in this research area. The interviews were mostly unstructured. Throughout my fieldwork, I used the Indonesian language to communicate with respondents, in addition to the Bugis language, in which I was given an intensive course by a lecturer at the Universitas Hasanuddin, Makassar. during my first visit to South Sulawesi. When conducting interviews with elders, in particular in Bone, I was assisted by an interpreter adept at reading and writing the Bugis language. In Bone, I was fortunate to be received as a guest by a family of noble birth, whose members became some of my most important informants. Later, I stayed with a middle-class family to experience and to observe the kinds of traditional customs that are still practised among the Bugis commoners.


Area of study

The study was conducted in several places in South Sulawesi, in particular in the regencies of Bone and Gowa. Wherever possible, I tried to locate and trace the names of settlements mentioned in the diary, in addition to the names of graveyards, palace sites, recreational sites, and other historical sites located in both regencies.


The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-SaUeh

The keeping of diaries, written in Bugis script on European paper bound in codices, was a feature of court life in the kingdom of Bone and in the Makassar kingdoms of Gowa and Talloq. The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh is a large single codex of 212 folios in a nineteenth century European binding. It was acquired by Dr. John Crawfurd during the Anglo-Bone war of 1814 and was sold to the British Library in 1842. Other than a brief discussion by philologists (Cense 1966; Ricklefs and Voorhoeve 1977), the diary has lain undisturbed for more than one and a half centuries.



Problems of research

The main problems in my research were to do with language. My research study focused on indigenous sources written in the Bugis language and a few in the Makasar language. Use of the Dutch language was necessary to compare and contrast the accounts of events in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary with contemporary VOC (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) records such as minutes of meetings, correspondence, memoranda and diaries. Reading texts in both languages was difficult and time consuming, especially during the early stages of research. Being female and orang luar (a foreigner) was a disadvantage in my effort to access information, due to the taboos and cultural beliefs in imparting knowledge or showing artefacts which some still regard as sacred. Most of the areas of study are some distance apart and transportation was a problem, especially in Bone. Access to information, especially in dealing with traditional beliefs and practices, was also limited by the circumstances in which I lived. The family in whose house I stayed for the period of my fieldwork in Ujung Pandang was highly educated. The husband had received his Masters training in Public Health from America, and other members of the family had Bachelor degrees from local universities. They observed few of the traditional cultural practices which I had come to study, as in their view these practices were a waste of money or contrary to Islamic beliefs. On the other hand, while in Bone, the people I approached about traditional practices were reluctant to discuss these with me because they were aware of the contradictions between the teachings of Islam and their own practices in relation to supernatural spirits. Only after some time did I realise that these difficulties could be overcome with small gifts of money and a change in my attitude: I had to be more accommodating to the sphere I was in, in order proper!y to understand the people's culture and practices, even though sometimes these were a challenge to my beliefs.


Structure and layout of the thesis

The thesis is divided into seven chapters. Chapter One explains the background to the research and introduces its aims and objectives, outlines the methodology and scope of the research study, and also explains the structure and layout of the thesis. Chapter Two starts with a general overview of South Sulawesi, the Bugis and the regency of Bone. The writing culture of the Bugis and the traditions of knowledge reflected in the writings of the Bugis and the indigenous categories of written works are also discussed. A review of literature on the work of the Bugis is then presented.

Chapter Three provides background on the study of the Bugis language and discusses the Bugis language and the origin and development of its script. The second part of the chapter focuses on diaries as a distinct category in the Bugis writing tradition. In addition to the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, selected Bugis diaries are also examined and analysed to establish the extent to which this genre of Bugis writing can be used as a source of historical information. Chapter Four explores what we can learn of the politics of South Sulawesi in the late eighteenth century. Particular issues, such as the history of I Sangkilang, the Gowa war and its repercussions for Bone, and disputes between Bone and the Dutch with regard to the issue of the Gowa regalia are examined. Dutch and other indigenous sources are used as a cross-reference to evaluate the reliability of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary. In Chapter Five, information from the diary is used to produce an account of the economy of Bone between 1775 until 1795, and a selection of traditional economic practices, especially within the inner circle at court, is described. Other events relating to Bones economic disputes, mostly with the Dutch Company, are outlined, and other sources are cross-referred to the diary. The social and cultural events depicted in the diary are discussed in Chapter Six. Life at court and the activities of the author are described, and data on the customs and, to a certain extent, laws found in the diary are used to give an insight into the Bugis society within the period covered. Conclusions as to the function of the diary and what can be learnt of the writer himself, will be set out in Chapter Seven. It was my original plan to provide an appendix containing Romanised transcription of the Bugis entries in the original language. For reason of word length, however, I was not able to do this. This material is available on request.


Chapter Two

The Bugis and their Writing Culture "[ ... ] The Bugis are said (and I believe with much truth) to be the greatest bullies and boasters in the Archipelago: at the same time, they are the bravest and most energetic race [... ] The minds of the Bugis, like their manners, are shrewd but simple: cunning but not acute [... ]." (Brooke 1848:82)



This chapter presents a discussion of the writing culture of the Bugis people. The traditions of knowledge contained within the writings of the Bugis will be discussed as they are reflected in the indigenous categories of written work. A review of literature on the work of the Bugis is also presented in the last part of this chapter.


South Sulawesi: A general overview

Sulawesi, fonnerly known as Celebes, is one of the four Greater Sunda Islands of Indonesia. It is curiously shaped, with a fonn like an orchid flower, consisting of four distinct peninsulas that fonn three major gulfs: Tomini (the largest) on the northeast, Tolo on the east, and Bone on the south. Sulawesi has a coastline of 5,478 kilometres and an area of 227,654 square kilometres, including adjacent islands. This island, which was fonnerly part of the Dutch East Indies, comprises four of Indonesia's provinces: North Sulawesi, Central Sulawesi, South Sulawesi and Southeast Sulawesi. South Sulawesi. whose biggest city is Makassar, fonnerly known as Ujung Pandang, covers an area of 72,781 square kilometres. which includes the islands of Selayar, Tambolongang, Kalao. Batu, Bonerate and Kalaotoa to the south in the Flores Sea (Volkman and Caldwell 1990). South Sulawesi is inhabited by four major ethnic groups. sllku (Id.): the Bugis, Makasar. Toraja and Mandar. The largest group is the Bugis. who occupy almost the entire eastern half and part of the western half of the southwest peninsula of Sulawesi.

6 Next largest in population are the Makasar, who are found in the western and southern areas of the peninsula. The Toraja, who are found mainly in the north bordering the former Bugis Kingdom of Luwu' in the east and Mandar in the west. are the third largest suku. Finally there are the Mandar, who occupy the coastal and mountain areas of the north- western part of the peninsula. According to the 1998 census, the population of South Sulawesi is 7.84 million people, of whom 51.60/0 are female and 48.4% male. About 15 % of the total population of South Sulawesi are settled in the city of Makassar (SUSENAS 1998:xv, 1). South Sulawesi is administered by a governor (gubenur, Id.) directly appointed by the ruling party centred in Jakarta, and is divided into twenty-one regencies, kabupaten (ld.), each governed by a district officer bupati (ld.). Although in South Sulawesi there are four major ethnic groups, according to Grimes and Grimes (1987), there are more than twenty distinct languages spoken in South Sulawesi. The five most spoken languages are: Makasar (1.5 million speakers in the South, on the island of Selayar and on several smaller islands); Mandar (300,000 speakers in the north-east region); Sa'dan Toraja (500,000 speakers in the Toraja highlands); Masserempulu (200,000 speakers inhabiting the area between the Mandar and Sa'dan area); and Bugis (more than 3.5 million speakers) (Mills


Volkman and Caldwell 1990). As a result of Indonesian integration, these local languages have slowly been replaced in the school curriculum by the national language of modem Indonesia - Bahasa Indonesia - while the local languages are now taught only as supplementary subjects.




..... .,

• .' t'~,

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ap 2.1: Sulawesi (Celebes), Indonesia (source: Peter Loud)


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Ovar'.p LANGUAGe: boundar.os alalect bound.rte.



Provine i •• boundar•••

Map 2.2: Map of languages of South Sulawesi (Grimes and Grimes 1987:20)


The Bugis of South Sulawesi

Linguistic evidence shows that the Bugis are the descendants of the Austronesian who moved to the area of Sulawesi about three to four thousand years ago, ultimately from the mainland of China (Bellwood 1995:99-103). The arriving Austrone ian practi d

widden horticulture including the growing of millet also dry-rice and

po ibly wet-rice. They brought with them pottery, polished stone tools pig dog and a tradition of dwelling in houses rai ed on pile (Bellwood 1985). Th primarily agri ulturali t a n plantin

Bugi ar

practi ing inten ive wet-rice culti ation, and during th dry

g table crop . The origin of the Bugi kingdom ha b en link d b

hi t rian and ar ha

logi t to a y tematic inten ification of

t-rice farming tarting

in th £ urt nth c ntur ( acknight 19 4). Today, th Bugi are kno n by ut id r primaril

ail r and trad r

but thi r putation i quit recent and dat

fr m n

9 earlier than the late seventeenth century (cf. Lineton 1975b:177-185; Abu Hamid 1987:2-17). In the pre-colonial period, the Bugis social system was hierarchical; in theory. eyery person's status was fixed according to his or her birth. In this way, the Bugis established a system of ranks based upon the idea of blood blending (Pelras 1996: 169) which resulted, generally, in five social strata: king, crown prince/princess, nobles, commoners and slaves. Their kinship system was cognatic, and both men and women had equal rights in succession of power and in other areas of social life (Crawfurd 1820:74; Brooke 1848:75). To some degree, the Bugis cultural identity is similar to that of the lowland Makasar, and many scholars of South Sulawesi treat them as one, i.e. 'Bugis-Makasar' (Abdul Hamid 1985; Mattulada 1971 :264-83). Pelras (1996: 13) describes these groups as "closely interconnected, not only linguistically but also through many cultural and historical links".


Western scholars of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries tended to

characterise the Bugis in terms of their manufacture and trade: "[The Bugis are] devoted to gambling, feasting and cockfighting; they live in southern Celebes and are extremely industrious, especially in the manufacture of plaited goods and in weaving, gold and silver work, and shipbuilding." (Encyclopaedia Britannica, Macropaedia 1990:9) "The Bugis are the seamen of the Archipelago, the greatest navigators and the most enterprising traders today, and in times gone by the greatest pirates as well [... ]. They have an unenviable reputation for dishonesty. quick temper, and cruelty [... ]." (Walcott 1914: 112-3) Despite some disparaging remarks made by earlier scholars, the Bugis are an industrious and brave people who uphold their traditional customs (adeq, B.) which are deeply embedded in their society, particularly with regard to the concepts of selfdignity and esprit de corps, popularly known as siri' and pesse. 2 These ideas of siri . The Bugis' world-view has been extensin~ly dealt with by contemporary local scholars, for more information; see Abdul Hamid (1985). and Andi Zainal Abidin (1975,1985.86). 2 Siri' is a concept which embraces the idea of self-worth and shame; the shame implies a conception by an individual of his own sdf-\vorth and dignity. In the Bugis society, to indicate that someone has been made siri'. or ashamed, means that the person's O\\'n conception of self-worth and self-respect has been impinged. In such a casc, the shamed person has the responsibility to restore his tarnished self-image by sL'eking satisfaction from the offending party. The norm of defending one's dignity (siri ') is deeply rooted in Bugis society. in not a few cases leading to death. In consequence, a saying in Bugis referring to death \\'hile ~ defendi~g one's siri' is 'to die a death of sugar and coconut milk' ('mate rigo/lai, mat<; risantanng£;', B.). Another concept which bears a number of similarities with the idea of siri' is pess£;. P<,s.\(; refers specifically to the belief in the spiritual unity of all individuals within a particular community. In generaL it is defined as a pan-Bugis solidarity, which Andaya (1981) explains as I

10 and pesse continue to be cultural features of the Bugis up to the present day. According to Andaya (1981), the recognition by the Bugis and Makasar of the essential unity of these two concepts is seen in the following saying: "If there is no longer siri' among us Bugis, at least there is certain to be pesse." (Andaya 1981: 17) This statement expresses the Bugis concepts of siri ' and pesse as cultural values which unify the Bugis and which remind the individual of his place in the community. Andaya (1981) argues that these concepts of siri' and pesse' are important to an understanding of the Bugis society and their history, especially since the sixteenth century.


The regency of Bone

Bone was once the most powerful and strongest of the five major Bugis kingdoms 3

of South Sulawesi reaching its zenith during the reign of Arung4 Palakka from 1660 until his death in 1696. Arung Palakka's victorious alliance with the Dutch facilitated Bone's exercise of political supremacy over other states such as Bantaeng, Lamuru and parts of Bulukumba and Soppeng. 5 Bone's hegemony in South Sulawesi continued until the early nineteenth century. The regency of Bone corresponds closely with the kingdom's traditional borders of the seventeenth century and covers an area of 4,559,000 square km (SUSENAS 1999: 1). Watampone, the administrative capitaL is located near the Gulf of Bone, about four kilometres from the port of Bajoe, to the east. Bone is divided into twenty-seven smaller divisions, kecamatan (Id.,) or district, containing 372 villages. 6 The 1998 census reports Bone's population as 629,871 inhabitants. Almost all the people of Bone are Bugis, most of whom are Sunni Muslims. Today, Bone's main revenues come from agricultural products such as rice, which is mostly grown in wet-rice fields, maize, cocoa, coconut and sugar cane; there are various kinds of vegetables such as long beans, kangkung or water convolvulus (lpomeoes reptans). nutmeg, pepper, cloves and "commiseration. empathy with one's fellow men". See Mattulada (1985: 1998:320, 2003:44-51): Abdul Hamid (1985): Andi Zainal Abidin (1999a:195-200: 1999b:l-10. 2003:11-41) and Laica (1995). 3 The other kingdoms were Luwuq. Wajoq. Soppeng and the confederation of Ajatapparang. 4 Arung is a Bugis word for lord. chief. thus. Arung Palakka means 'Lord ofPalakka'. ~ Bantaeng and Bulukumba were petty states situated at the southern part of South SulawesI. Soppeng is located to the south of Lake Tempe while Lamuru is today located at the southern part of the kabupaten of BOlll~.

The Bone districts are :\jangaleq. Amali. Awangpone. Barebbo. Bengo. Bonto Cani. Cenrana. Cina. Dua Saccot'. Kahu. Kajuara. Lamuru, Lappariaja. Libureng, Mare. Palakka. Patimpeng. Ponre. Salomekko. Sibulue. Tonra. Tellu Limpoe, Tellu Siattinge. Tanete Riatang Barat. Tanete Riattang. Tanete Riatang Timur and Ulaweng.



cashew nuts. Another key source of revenue is fish fanning: fish provides the people' s main source of animal protein. The numerous rivers that flo\,' through Bone' s plains. such as the Cenrana, Walannae, Palakka and Pattiro. provide a good source of irrigation for agricultural purposes, and enable freshwater fish to be fanned. Fish are not only caught in the open sea, but under a government-initiated programme are reared in fresh water ponds and lakes in land while shrimps. crabs, bandeng or bolu fish are reared in brackish water along the coast. 7 Meat protein comes from cattle and goats, while fowl are raised domestically for eggs and as table birds. Most sources of income are based on agriculture, and the majority of Bone' s inhabitants are involved in this sector; a much smaller number have administrative posts. Globalisation has improved the standard of living for the people of Indonesia, and the Bugis, willingly or not, have had to adjust to a more modem way of life. Gone is the pre-colonial stratification of the society into nobles, commoners and slaves; nowadays, a person's status does not depend entirely upon the purity of his royal blood, but also on his accumulation of wealth. Computers and internet services, television, VCR and the like have largely replaced the tradition of telling stories and prophesies, especially among the younger generation. Nevertheless, many traditional values are still practised to the present day. Respect towards elderly people of noble birth is deeply, rooted despite their often modest financial circumstances. These elders have high social status and are consulted on matters regarding traditional practises, including the selection of suitable marriage partners. During my field research, I observed that dates for engagement and marriage ceremonies, the construction of houses and ships, moving to a new house, opening new areas for development projects, and agricultural activities are still decided in consultation with noble elders knowledgeable in the traditional lore (kutika and bUang), preserved for hundreds of years in their manuscripts called lontaraq.


The wealth of South Sulawesi' s manuscripts is manifested in the abundance of materials kept not only in Indonesia but also in Leiden, London and elsewhere, which, according to Macknight, amount to about 50,000 pages of different works. This tigure, however. does not include the 4.000 copies of the Bugis-Makasar manuscripts at the

According to the census of 1998. a total of 3.101.1 hectares of brackish area has been dl.?\'eloped for aquaculture activities in the regency of Bone (SCSEAAS 1999: 166), S Personal inteniew \\ith Petta Nompok Andi ~luhammad Ali on 21 'I September 1999 at \Vatampone. th th Bone-: Petta Awampone :\ndi ~ lappassisi Andi Mappassere on 15 - 19 September 1999 at Museum La th Pawawoi. \\'atampone. Bone: and with Andi Amapiabbang Hajah Hayati Safinang on 4 October 1999 at lan:okong.. \\'atampone. Bone. During fieldwork. I observed the ceremony of 'breaking down soil' for a new devdopment project as well as engagement and wedding ceremonies in and outside Bone,


12 National Archives of Indonesia at Makassar, which have been microfilmed under the project run by the Australia National University and the Matthesstichting (the Yayasan Kebudayaan Sulawesi Selatan dan Tenggara) (Macknight 1983:103-113). The types of

knowledge contained in the manuscripts vary widely. from rules of conduct in day-today activities, to more formal contexts within the court circle. Social etiquette for mealtimes, courting women, erecting new buildings, agricultural activities. astronomy. marriage, rites of passage (circumcision and clitoridectomy, ear piercing), receiving guests, leave-taking before journeys, the relationship between husband and wife. life at court, genealogies, state functions, and other matters are all recorded in lontaraq.9 These manuscripts are almost encyclopaedic in range in comparison with, for example, Batak texts, which are more concerned with spiritual matters. Despite the wide range of contents of their manuscripts, however, no business records have yet been found. As in other societies, writing serves specific purposes among the Bugis. In the Bugis case, the objective is best described as preserving knowledge, which mayor may not eventually be communicated orally to an audience (Koolhof 1999:363). On the other hand, a large number of these manuscripts also serve purely as a personal aid to memory, and some of the facts were not meant to be revealed to the general public without certain conditions being fulfilled. 10 Knowledge, for the Bugis, is not something that can be collected at random by anyone who feels an inclination to do so. Notwithstanding the effects of globalisation, many Bugis, especially the older generation, still preserve many of their traditional norms and values. Others, mostly of the younger generation, place less stress on these traditional norms and values, especially where they conflict with the belief and practices of the Islamic faith.


The writing culture of the Bugis

The history of the Bugis, Makasar and, to a lesser extent, the Mandar, are preserved in various traditional written genres, and even today, much historical information is also transmitted orally (Pelras 1979:272-79). The societies that produced these works regarded the spoken. and in particular the written. word as an instrument of power and The earliest works found in South Sulawesi were written on long strips of palm leaves of the species Borassus flabelliformis L.. known as tal (Sanskrit name for the talipot tree. tala), and this is reflected in the term 'Iontar,' derived from the word ron({d meaning 'leaf (ron) of the 'tal' tree (tal) (Rubinstein 1996: 129: Ginarsa 1975:90-103). In generaL the indigenous word for a text written (on leaves or paper) in the Bugis script in the South Sulawesi language is lontaraq (lontarak or lontarang) (Andi Zainal Abidin 1971:161: Salim 19R4:l). 10 During my research in Bone. on one occasion. I was asked to fulfil se\t~ral pre-conditions before being allowcd to scc the contents of manuscripts in one of my respondent's collections. These included the slaughtering of a goat. preparation of scveral kinds of local cakes and the offering of money. amongst otha things. Howe\'cr. I rejected thesc pre-conditions because thcy were against my religious beliefs,



potential power. In a society driven by status, individual claims \vere recorded in written texts through works of genealogy. According to Brakel (1980:35-44). events that are recorded in written form have their own substance, and such writings should be seen as products of a civilisation which had its own aims, symbols and ways of expression. In relation to the importance of recording events, Brakel (1980) points out that: "The past happens to be reflected differently in the imagination of an unsophisticated people than in the mind of an historian [... ] the purpose for which that recording is done may in fact also be the explanation of the present from the past, but in a sense other than that understood by us." (Brakel 1980:35) Hunter (1996:3) says that historical evidence of the early evolution of writing in insular Southeast Asia "creates a romance of its own" and that Indonesian writing systems reflect to some extent the adoption of Indic influences. The writing systems were disseminated in Indonesia during an era of maritime trade which brought with it the spread of Hinduism and Buddhism. Casparis (1975:72). however. pointed out the difficulty of dating the development of writing in areas of Southeast Asia such as in Southern Sulawesi and the Philippines as a result of the absence of royal edicts in stone or copper plate. Caldwell (1988) has established that writing in South Sulawesi appears to have been developed about A.D.1400, among the Bugis who used it initially for the recording of genealogies. writings~

Bugis manuscripts formed the bulk of the indigenous South Sulawesi

Makasar texts are fewer in number and Mandar texts are fewer still. Written

texts in the Arabic language in the Arabic script. and in the Wolio language of the island of Buton in the old Makasar script ll , have also been found; both comprise mainly poetic and religious matters (ToI 1996:213, 220; Anceux 1988:2). The Sa'dan Toraja did not have a written



their traditions were transmitted orally.

The development of the Bugis written tradition

With the development of European trade starting in the sixteenth century. palm leaf began to be replaced by imported European paper. According to Jones (1993), the earliest extant writings on European paper from the Malay Archipelago were two letters written in 1521 and 1522. which suggest that such paper was already circulating in Asia. possibly as an article of comlnerce. Alfonse D' Albuquerque. in 1515.

The old t\1akasar script. abC'l known as the }llIn~ruq jangang-jangang. is distinct from the Bugis script. the hurutilq sulapa Cppll. in its number and shapes of the ahara. For more information. see \fills (I 975:602): ~ooduyn (196:'. 1993); Fachruddin (1983) and ~urhayati (1998). II

14 l2

instructed his fellow men in Goa to supply paper for use in the Straits of Onnuz to serve the Persian market. In the same period, c.1600. paper was already a trade commodity being offered for sale in Acheh (Jones 1993:481: Lombard 1970:61-2). The earliest reference to the export of European paper to Asia shows that at least one Portuguese godown in Goa stored significant quantities of European paper. Further evidence of European paper being distributed in the Archipelago is provided by Pigafetta's notes on his party's visit to Brunei in early 1521, during \vhich gifts were presented to the local ruler, which included "three packets of paper, and a gilt pen and ink case" (Jones 1993:479). As in other writing traditions of the east. however. the use of paper in the earlier period was confined to the elite. Macknight (1993: 11) suggests that the motive for recording genealogical information in the written materials points to a motive for the development of the writing itself. He argues that in the society of South Sulawesi, where status is differentiated on the basis of birth, i.e. importance is attached to ascribed status as opposed to achieved status (Millar 1989), the demonstration of descent becomes a matter of great importance. Writing provides a fonn of permanent demonstration and is, at least in theory, beyond challenge. Macknight (1997) argues that in the Bugis writing tradition, specific genres of primarily chronicles and diaries, was to some extent influenced by external stimuli, such as the coming of Europeans to the East to buy spices. As early as the sixteenth century, the Portuguese explored the eastern part of Indonesia to look for trading opportunities, as well as for missionary purposes (Boxer 1965). After the Portuguese, the English, Danes, Dutch and Spanish arrived in Indonesian waters. It may be assumed that paper was introduced as a trade good by the Europeans, but the possibility of paper being imported from India should not be overlooked. Some VOC records of the eighteenth century indicate that paper was among other items presented by the Dutch officials to the ruler of Bone, Ahmad asSaleh Syamsuddin (Chapter 6.5). Macknight (1997:2) points out that there has been no thorough investigation to test the presumption that it was the European presence from the early seventeenth century that led to the use of paper as the medium of writing. Among the Bugis, knowledge of writing appears to have been restricted to the ruling elite. The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Saleh mentions the office of the ann§guru anakarung (B.,) who had the same responsibility as the paqlontaraq (B.,). Paqlontaraq

means 'a person who is expert in writing' (Bugis manuscripts) and at the same time is also well versed in their contents. Such indiyiduals were usually members of the high

Goa was a Portuguese colony in India whilst Gowa (which occurs frequently in this study) was the most powerful kingdom in South Sulawesi from the sixteenth to the mid-se\ cnteenth century. 12

15 nobility and were responsible for educating the royal children (Safwan, 1980/1981: 11). Possibly the status, power and lifestyle experienced by the upper class offered more opportunities for exposure to Europeans and other external influences. As a result of these contacts, most probably associated with trade. knowledge might ha\'e been transferred and adopted by the local elites. Although Europeans probably played an important role in developing the tradition of chronicle writing and diary-keeping in South Sulawesi, European contact with this region was comparatively late (Macknight 1997). The earliest European account of South Sulawesi is that of Pires (1512-1515) who, writing from Malacca, describes the people and country in brief: H[ ... ] the Javanese call them Bugis (Bujus). and the Malays call them this [sic. the] Celates [... ] They bring many foodstuffs: very white rice; they bring some gold. They take bretangis and cloths from Cambay and a little from Bengal and from the Klings; they take black benzoin in large quantities, and incense. These islands have many inhabitants and a great deal of meat, and it is a rich country [... ]." (Cortesao 1944:222)

Regular foreign influences in Makassar were established almost a century later, around 1605-7, after the Islamisation of Gowa. After 1607. when the Dutch seized major Portuguese bases in the Moluccas, Makassar offered a safe base for the Portuguese spice trade. In addition, the local ruler's free trade policy appeared very attractive to the Europeans (Reid 1981:1,19).13 The English established a factory in 1613, followed by the Danes, French and later the Dutch. Two main figures, Karaengl~ Pattingalloang and his son Karaeng Karunrung, were among the Makasar elite who were particularly interested in acquiring European knowledge and were said to have mastered the Portuguese and Spanish languages. The former, who was a "Chancellor' of Gowa and also a king of Talloq, was said to have an excellent library of European books of various kinds, from religion to the latest developments in mathematics and optics (Reid 1981 :20-1). Karaeng Pattingalloang also collected maps and globes, and corresponded with the Kings of Portugal and Spain (Boxer 1967:4. 98, 99). Alexander de Rhodes, a Catholic Inissionary who visited Makassar in 1646, described him as follows:

According to Boxer 0967:3). between ten and twenty-two Portugue~c ships called at Makassar. Gowa'~ capital city. in the mid-l620s and ~ometimes as many a~ five hundred Portuguese were ashore. 1.\ KaraJng 1~ a f\1aka~ar word that carrie~ the meaning of Prince. the title given to senior nobility in Maka~~ar and referring to ~omeone of royal descent. I.'

16 ~~[ Karaeng

Pattingalloang is] wise and sensible. and apart from his bad religion, a very honest man. He knew all our mysteries very well, had read with curiosity all the chronicles of our European kings. He always had books of ours in hand. especially those treating with mathematics, in which he was quite versed. Indeed, he had such a passion for all branches of this science that he worked at it day and night [... ] To hear him speak without seeing him one would take him for a nati\'c Portuguese, for he spoke the language as fluently as people from Lisbon itself." (Rhodes 1966:208-9, Reid 1988:232-4) Over the next forty years, Makasar and Bugis court circles became intimately familiar with all kinds of Portuguese and other European materials as a result of these contacts. Karaeng Pattingalloang welcomed presents from European traders, such as books including the Bible, maps, globes and rarities from Europe, and he kept abreast of European technical innovations, including the Galilean telescope (Reid 1981 :21). The attitudes shown by the local rulers gave scope for further innovation, especially in the writing tradition of South Sulawesi's society as a whole. However. the European model was not restricted to books or other imported reading materials. A major activity of all the more important Europeans in South Sulawesi in the seventeenth century was the writing of letters, reports, journals, and occasionally more extended pieces, all of which involved to some extent a narrative account of events (Macknight 1997:8). Linguistic archaeology, in addition, suggests that the coming of Islam not only revolutionized the technologies of written communication (terms for manuscript writing are of Arabic origin such as dakwat, kalam, kertas - ink, pen and paper) but also brought along a new script, the Arabic script, to the Indo-Malay Archipelago.


The Bugis writings

In general, Bugis writings are extremely varied. The Bugis generally divide their writings into two basic categories: sureq which contains La Galigo materials, an epic literature and is regarded as sacred: and lontaraq which referred to all other types of works (Pelras 1979:279). The literary work of 1 La Galigo is among one of the longest literary works in the world (Gallop and Arps 1991: Ill: Koolhof 1999). The lontaraq texts contain a wide range of genres from the long heroic poems. toloq (B.) to short Inagico-mystical formulae: these include, for example. tracts on Islamic law, chronicles

(attoriolong, B., patturioloang, Mak., histories of the past), daily registers or diaries (lontaraq hUang), genealogies (lontaraq pangngoriseng), and texts of treaties. Also included in this category are translations of Arabic works dealing with Islamic mysticism and jurisprudence, translations of the Qur'an as well as translations of Spanish treatises on weaponry and other miscellaneous topics (Cense 1966, 1972a:

17 Macknight 1984; Salim 1984). Historical texts, such as chronicles and daily registers (diaries), are usually written in a larger manuscript size. Texts containing charms, prayers and the like, are usually small in size in order to be portable. and often dirty in appearance as they were referred to frequently (Tol 1996:219).


Literature review

Europeans who have written accounts of South Sulawesi include Tome Pires (1512-1515), Francisco Vieira (1624-1667), Gervais (1701/1971), Valentijn (1726), Forrest (1792), Stavorinus (1798), Blok (1799/1817). Woodard (1804) and Brooke (1848). When the European powers permanently established their bases in the Indonesian waters in the seventeenth century, they compiled records from which information on South Sulawesi can be extracted. The reports filed by the Dutch colonial officers who served at Makassar as Governors form substantial sources that provide a wide range of information on South Sulawesi. These reports are kept at the Netherlands National Archive in The Hague, and at the National Archive of Jakarta (Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia). These files record events spanning more than

three centuries, from the first contact in Indonesian waters until Indonesia achieved independence in the mid-twentieth century. These records comprise of correspondence to and from the VOC headquarters in Amsterdam, minutes of meetings, reports on secret missions, trading accounts, memos, daily registers and other items. Published material from the works of missionary groups can also be used to reconstruct the past. The most important of these are the works of Benjamin Frederick Matthes who was commissioned by the Netherlands Bible Society to study the South Sulawesi languages. to compile grammars and dictionaries of them, and to translate the Bible. He also pioneered the scientific study of the Bugis people and its language, and made extensive journeys into the interior part of South Sulawesi. One of the earliest Bugis publications by Matthes was the Bugis Chrestomathy (1864) which contains miscellaneous information from the Bugis texts including a legend (pau-pau rikadong, B.), a nUlnber of historical writings or chronicles (attoriolong. B.) and other texts. The second volume of the Bugis Chrestomathy was published eight years later, and contained a large compilation of adat laws called the Latoa, letters and poetry. war songs ((;/ong. ossong, toloq, B.), and the beginning part of the long Bugis epic. the I La Galigo (Matthes 1864-1872a).

18 Matthes' publications cover vanous topic such as the history of the people of Wajoq, the text and translation of the code of maritime laws of Amanna Gappa 15, Muslim treatises, historical writings, adat regulations. letters and poems. information on the Bugis transvestite priests (bissu, B.) and Bugis divination tables (kutika. B) (Matthes 1872b, 1872c). Matthes also compiled a Bugis dictionary, Boegillccsch Woordenboek (1874), to which he added a small supplement (1881). and a Bugis grammar (1875). This Bugis dictionary is a basic source of information for the study of the Bugis language and contains examples of the use of Bugis words in sentences. as well as ethnographical commentary. Matthes' work was based on field research and on the generous help he received from elderly women of aristocratic origin, especially from Arung Pancana Colli 'pujie (Sirk 1983 :27; Fachruddin 1999: 172-183). In addition to Matthes, the other nineteenth-century European scholar to make an important contribution to the study of the Bugis manuscripts was George Karel Niemann (c.1823-1905), a close friend of Matthes whom he had replaced in 1848 as sub-director of the Dutch Missionary Society when Matthes set off for the Indies. Niemann, who later became an academic in Holland (Poensen 1906), published in Bugis-Makasar script a text edition of the Chronicle of Tanete (Niemann 1883). In addition, he published De Latowa (Adatrechtbundels 1929:220-245) based on the Bugis Chrestomathy of Matthes' works (1864-1872), and a note on a Bugis manuscript in the Bibliographische bijdragen (1881 :328-31). He also wrote a short review of Matthes' Supplement (1881), which was published in a Dutch journal (1891 :339-46). Ralph Blok, a Dutch Governor of Makassar from 1760-67, wrote a four volume work which was published in English in 1817. This book, which was based in large part upon written and oral indigenous sources, remains an important source on the history of South Sulawesi. John Von Stuben Voll, a Dutch officer who served in Makassar from 18 th March 1790 until 12 th January 1797, translated Blok's work from Dutch to English and added to the published book information from secret Dutch records to which he was given access. The first two volumes of the History of the Island of Celebes present an interesting picture of political circumstances in Makassar, and to a lesser extent of the kingdom of Bone in the late eighteenth century. This work is the closest secondary source for my period and its subjects. Geographic and ethnographic information on the island of Celebes is rccorded in the works of Ger\'ais (1701) and Sta\'orinus (1798). The latter's work, Voyages to the Ellst Indies, contains accounts of c\'ents in the kingdoms of Gowa and Bone in South


Amanna Gappa was


seventeenth century coditier of these laws

19 Sulawesi in the years 1774 and 1775, and provides a picture of the political and social setting prior to the present research. Gervais' account of the kingdom of Makassar is divided into three sections: the first gives an account of the situation of the country: the second provides infonnation on the inhabitants, their manners and customs. government and trade; the last volume discusses the beliefs of the populace. Nineteenth century Europeans who contributed to the works on South Sulawesi include Thomas Stamford Raffles, Governor of Java during the British interregnum in 1812-1817, who wrote about the indigenous people of the region in his work, The History of Java (1817). Crawfurd, who was Raffles' assistant, includes some infonnation on South Sulawesi in his History of the Indian Archipelago (1820). Although Crawfurd's work on the history of South Sulawesi was based upon secondary sources, he was the first person to apply backdating in constructing the history of South Sulawesi. With the sole exception of Kern's work (1929) on the opening part of the chronicles of the Bugis kingdoms of Tanete and Bone, for thirty years after Matthes' death in 1908 little work was done relating to South Sulawesi either in manuscript collection or research into their contents. The study of South Sulawesi manuscripts gained renewed momentum when A.A.Cense arrived at Makassar in 1930 as a newly appointed language specialist (taalambtenaar, D.). The establishment in 1933 of a centre for linguistic and philological studies in South Sulawesi, the Matthesstitching, with Cense as its head, paved the way for a more directed study of the area. A decade later, over two hundred manuscripts had been collected, some of which were copied from borrowed originals. Cense's contributions to the writings on South Sulawesi are listed by NoorduYll (1978:403-413) in his article, "In Memoriam of A.A. Cense". Another significant milestone in the study of South Sulawesi was NoorduYll's work, The Chronicle of Wadjo ' (1955a), which was the first real attempt to judge and to use Bugis and Makasar writings as historical sources. NoorduYll made extensive use of Bugis materials and chronicles, supplemented by contemporary Dutch sources, in his attempt to establish their reliability as historical sources, as well as to reconstruct the history of Wajoq state. One of the most active scholars in the studies of South Sulawesi's language and literatures, NoorduYllleft a large body of writings in which he drew upon indigenous sources (NoorduYll 1953. 1955b, 1956. 1957. 1961, 1965. 1972a. 1972b. 1987, 1990, 1991a, 1991b. 1993. 1994). In 1975 the French anthropologist Pe1ras published a very usefuL though brief, introduction to Bugis literature. discussing mythicaL historicaL legal. didactic and lyric

20 genres of literature. In 1996 he published a work on the Bugis people, The Bugis. which collects together and summarises in English more than twenty-fi \Oe years of research and publications which are mostly in French. Preceding this, Errington and Millar (1983, 1989) also produced anthropological works on South Sula\vesi. Millar focussed her studies on the fluid, equivocal and competitive social relations among the Bugis of Soppeng. In her thesis (1985) which was published in 1989. Bugis TJ'edding: Rituals of social location in modern Indonesia, Millar asserted the importance of

kinship affiliation as the most basic type of knowledge for making judgements about social location, based upon her close observation of Bugis weddings. Her earlier published paper (1983) considered Bugis conceptions of gender and social location. Errington, another American anthropologist, also published some articles on the Bugis of South Sulawesi, discussing the social-political conceptions of the Bugis, especially of Luwuq (1977, 1979, 1983a, 1983b). Her book on the Kingdom of Luwuq, Meaning and Power in Southeast Asia Realm (1989), has stimulated several rather negative

academic responses (e.g. Caldwell 1991). Other foreign scholars who have written about South Sulawesi include: Lineton (l975a; 1975b) on the motivations for, and patterns of. Bugis migration; Harvey, a political scientist, who made an exhaustive study of the rebellions which upset South Sulawesi from 1950 until 1965 (Harvey 1974, 1977); Andaya (1975, 1978, 1979, 1981, 1984, 1995) and Sutherland (1980, 1983a, 1983b), who studied various aspects of South Sulawesi history; and Reid (1981, 1983a, 1983b, 1987), who drew on the findings of archaeology, anthropology and linguistics in writing on pre-modem South Sulawesi. Following in the footsteps of Noorduyn, Caldwell (1988) also used indigenous Inaterials, mainly genealogies. for his doctoral thesis. Caldwell edited ten Bugis texts, transcribing them into Roman script and translating them into English. By combining data from other published materials, he set out a historical picture of South Sulawesi from about A.D.1400 to the first decades of the seventeenth century. In his doctoral thesis. Tol (1990) worked critically on a historical epic text written in the early twentieth century in the traditional toloq (poem) style and language, and translated the work into Dutch frOln the original manuscript, with detailed explanatory annotations. Bugis indigenous sources hayc also been used as primary sources by Indonesian scholars. including Andi Zainal Abidin. whose doctoral thesis. TVajoq abad XV-Xl'l. published in 198:'. Inade c\.tensiyc usc of Bugis manuscripts. Abidin's objectiyc was to present a transcription and translation of the Lontaraq Sukku 'na H'ajoq in order to illunlinate the prehistory and the first historical era of\Vajoq. Prior to his thesis, Abidin

21 published a number of writings on South Sulawesi using indigenous materials. \lost of Abidin's works were published in the local Indonesian journal BingJ...lsan (1967. 1967/1968, 1968, 1969a, 1969b, 1969c, 1969d, 196ge, 1969f. 1969g,



1974, 1976, 1982/1983, 1983a, 1983b, 199c). Amier Sjarifuddin. using lontaraq as his main sources, studied from the legal point of view the inter-kingdom treaties in Southern Sulawesi from the fifteenth to eighteenth century. especially from the viewpoint of constitutional and international law, in his unpublished doctoral thesis Perjanjian antarkerajaan menurut lontarak (1990). Making extensive use of

indigenous materials, Sjarifuddin traced the treaties mentioned in the lontaraq. Mattulada, a Bugis anthropologist, included a transliteration and an Indonesian translation of the Latoa, the Bugis customary law, in his doctoral thesis in 1975. Among other scholars who based their theses on indigenous materials. particularly the Bugis language and literature, are Fachruddin (1983, 1999) and Nurhayati (1998); both used a part of the I La Galigo epic for their doctoral theses, analysing it using philological and semiotic approaches. Other Bugis-Makasar scholars who have published their research findings include A. Makarausu Amansjah (1967, 1968a, 1968b, 1968c, 1968d, 1968e, 1969, 1975), Abdurrazak Daeng Patunru (1964, 1967a, 1967b, 1968a, 1968b, 1969, 1970, 1983, 1989, 1993, 1995), Andi Abu Bakar Punagi (1968, 1982/1983, 1985/86), Andi Palloge' (1989, 1990), Andi Muhammad Ali (1986, 1989, 1999), Andi Muhammad Arfah (1989), Mangemba (1985/1986), La Side (1969) and Abdul Rahim (1974). These writers have drawn not only upon old Bugis records but also upon interviews with knowledgeable people within their society, and upon their own knowledge. Although many of these writers deal with various aspects of Bugis culture and society, Bugis diaries, which potentially provide ample materials for researchers, have attracted surprisingly little attention. Tol (1996) and Cense (1966) discuss the diaries in some of their works, while Ligtvoet (1880) transcribed, translated and annotated the diaries of the Kings of Gowa and Talloq. A team of Indonesian scholars led by Sjahruddin Kaseng (1986/87) published a translation and transliteration of the diary from the Makasar manuscript Lontaraq hilang Raja Gowa dan Tal/ok. but without any critical analysis. The deficiency of research into this category of Bugis work constitutes a major gap in the scholarship on South Sulawesi.


Summary and conclusions

The Bugis are the largest four major ethnic groups that inhabit the eastern half, and part of the western part, of the southwest peninsular of Sulawesi. Like their neighbours the Makasar, Toraja, and Mandar, they are the descendants of Austronesian-speaking southern Mongoloid settlers who moved to the southwestern Sulawesi perhaps three to four thousand years ago. Although better known as sailors, traders, and even pirates, the Bugis are primarily agriculturalist and have practiced settled agriculture. both swidden (shifting dry field cultivation) and sawah (wet field rice cultivation), from the time of their arrival in the peninsular. The Bugis have a cognatic kinship system, which allows great flexibility of social organisation and the construction of flexible lineages based on notitication of women as status markers, and, possibly, membership of 'houses'. A highly status conscious people, the Bugis have established a system of birth rank based upon the idea of blood blending. This idea of ascriptive status is more important than the sex of an individual, with the result that both men and women had equal opportunities of succession to political office and other area of social life. A dynamic, but paradoxically conservative people, the Bugis place great stress on traditional customs. which are strongly based upon concepts of self-dignity and esprit de corps (siri' and pesse. B.). Noble elders are held in high regard and are referred to for advice on major decisions, including the selection of marriage partners. The cultural wealth of the Bugis is evident in the abundant extant written materials, lTIuch of which is now preserved in libraries in Leiden, London, Jakarta and Makassar. Writing, originally a preserve of the ruling elite, spans a wide range of genres, but there include no business records. Almost all extant Bugis works are written in Bugis script on imported European paper, although before the introduction of paper lontar leaf was used. Diaries (lontaraq hUang) comprise an important genre of Bugis texts. but as yet have attracted little attention from historians. These diaries provide a valuable opportunity to broaden our knowledge of economic, political and social life among the Bugis. especially within the court circle of Bone.




Chapter Three

The Bugis Diaries

"[ ... ] there can be no writing of history without a history of writing:' (Yuen Ren Chao 1961 :69)



In the first part of this chapter, a number of technical terms concerning the Bugis language are defined and the sources of the research are briefly discussed. In the second part, the Bugis script is described and discussed. The last part of this chapter describes Bugis diaries as a distinct category in the Bugis writing tradition. Selected Bugis diaries are examined and analysed to arrive at a conclusion regarding the extent to which this genre of Bugis writing can be used as a source of historical information.


Philological introduction

The Bugis manuscript tradition has been examined by a number of scholars, among them NoorduYn (1955), Macknight (1984), Caldwell (1988) and Tol (1990). Through his work, on a Chronicle of Wadjo' (1955), NoorduYn successfully demonstrated the usefulness. of historical sources of Bugis historical texts by examining them against contemporary Dutch records. In his doctoral thesis, Caldwell used ten short Bugis texts, ranging from genealogies to legends of the origin of kingdoms, to demonstrate their usefulness as historical sources for the period A.D. 1400 - 1600, a period for which there are no contemporary European sources of any significance. Caldwell and Macknight (2001: 142-6) also improve and expand a number of important terms used in a restricted sense when dealing with Bugis materials, such as 'work', 'text'. 'codex'. 'Inanuscript', 'version' and 'variation'

(Caldwell1988:1--+~ Macknight


Macknight (1984) points out the difficulty of editing '\"orks from a manuscript rather than a printed tradition. in that a decision must he made as to the appropriate unit on which to concentrate one's efforts. He considers this difficulty to be a particular issue in


relation to the Bugis manuscript tradition because the modern perception of a 'work' as the basic conceptual unit of transmission does not appear to ha\"e been equally meaningful to the Bugis scribes. Besides, there is a problem in identifying the Bugis 'works' because the unit of reference in which the Bugis scribes were interested \\'as the codex into which they copied. Although Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary is an original, some of the other diaries that I have consulted are copies. This raises the questions of scribal error and variations: the misreading of information from the exemplar and the addition or omission of information. Macknight and Caldwell (2001) identify six levels of variations; variants in the form of the aksara, script alternatives, errors of scribes, word substitutions, changes in content and changes in structure. When I compared the diary of Sultan Ahmad asSalleh (BL MSAdd.12354) with BL MSAdd. 12356 (a copy of the former) over a fi\"eyear period, from 1775-1779, I found the variation only at the levels of minor word substitution and minor change in content. For example:

BL MS.Add.12354 1st January 1775: "I started writing the diary. There is no God except Allah and Muhammad is His Messenger.

BL MS.Add.12356 1st January 1775: "I started writing the diary. And so my age is nineteen [years old]." (BL MS Add. 12356:f.2v)

Barakallah." (DAS:f.5v)

11 th January 1775: "I have been ordered by the king to send the nobles of Bone to go to the fort to [deliver the king's new year's] wish to the Governor after the New Year. One slave was presented [to the Governor]." (DAS:f.5v)


11 th January 1775: "The king ordered me to send the nobles of Bone to go into the fort to wish [Happy New Year] to the Governor. One person [was presented to the Governor] as a new year's gift." (BL MSAdd. 12356:f.2v)

Historical background of the Bugis diaries

All the Bugis manuscript materials referred to in this thesis are written on imported European paper. bound in book form: such items are called codices. Many of the Bugis (and Makasar) codices found in European libraries are mainly miscellanies. most of which are remarkably diverse, although a few codices contain just a single item. The earliest known Bugis diaries is that of Arung Palakka (1660-1696). His diary was possibly inspired h y' the earlier practice of diary keeping hy the kings of Gowa and Talloq (Ligtvoet 1880). After Arung Palakka' s death, diaries were kept by (almost) all

of the following rulers of Bone and, later, by senior ministers of state. These diaries. provide historians with an almost continuous record of events in Bone up to its conquest by the Dutch in 1905. These diaries, more than twenty in number. are kept in several locations: in the British Library (BL), in London: in the library of School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London (SOAS); in the Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology (KITLV) in the Netherlands; and in the National Library of Indonesia (PNl), in Jakarta, Indonesia. Others still remain in private collections. The Bugis diaries referred to in this research are all unpublished. According to Tal (1992: 1), the extant Bugis diaries kept in The Netherlands were originated from one

source, the collection of the ruler of Bone, La Pawawoi Karaeng Segeri (1826-1911). Tal described how the manuscripts entered the Koninklijk Batal'iaasch Genootschap voor Kunsten en Wetenschappen (KEG) collection as a result of the last Bone war with

the Dutch, as reported in the minutes of the board's meeting on 9 th October 1905, as follows: "Reporting the receipt from the Commander of the Expedition to South-Celebes of a pack of manuscripts, which have been found in the house of the Ruler of Bani and offering these for the manuscript collection." (Notulen 1905: 99, quoted in Tal 1992:2) Using the works of Ricklefs and Voorhoeve (1977:27-38) and Noorduyn (1984-6, quoted in Tal 1993 :612-629), the various diaries which cover different years can be tabulated as follows:




....6 BL I





1660-1696 1714-1718 1745-1762 1768-1777 1774-1787 1775-1795 1780-1785 1790-1800 1793-1796


1792-1798 1795-1807

1800-1812 1808-1809 1804-1819 1818-1819 1823-1843 1834-1840 1837-1842 1848-1851 1868 1877-1879 1870-1879 1876-1893 1878-1888 1893-1910

Table 3.1: Years covered by diaries from Bone held in various collections (source: To11993) Taken together, the diaries represent an almost continuous stream of two centuries of indigenous historical information covering the period 1745 to 1910. At present, the following gaps (amounting to twenty-eight years) occur in the period: 1763-68, 184348, 1851-67, and 1869. However, during my fieldwork in Watampone, I discovered a copy of a Bugis diary in the personal possession of Petta Nompok Andi Muhammad Ali, dated 1856-65. The cover, which is heavily thumb-marked and has copious notes scribbled at the edge of the folios suggests that the diary is an original copy. The earliest diary yet found is the Makasar-Ianguage diary of the ruler of Go a and Talloq which dates from the beginning of the seventeenth century (Ligt oet 1880' Th Bugi diari k pt in th British Library once belonged to thc coli ction of Dr. Jolm ra\ furd in 'hich h manag d to obtain as re ult of the Anglo-Bon' war in June 1 I ~ (Bo, 'cr 196 ). Th manu cript . r old to th Briti h Library in 1 ~2 at a pric of £2~O. (per onal communication. Dr. th Anr13bel Gallop, Curator for Indon ian and lao . anuscript, Briti h LibraI'). London. on 20 pril I

200 ) - In mid-199 , 11 coli tions of manuscript from th Indian omc Library (lOL n . it ,th Briti Lib .', t t.P era, London.

. r tran fi rred to th

27 The earliest diary yet found is the Makasar-language diary of the ruler of Gowa and Talloq, which dates from the beginning of the seventeenth century (Ligtvoet 1880: Cense 1966:422). Table 3.1 shows that the earliest Bugis diary. which covers dates 1660 up to 1696 (BL MS. Bugis J), is that of Arung Palakka Malampeq-e Gemmeqna. the sixteenth ruler of Bone, which appears to have inspired the keeping of diaries by his descendants. No Bugis diaries from other kingdoms of South Sulawesi are known to exist, so we may conclude that the phenomenon of keeping diaries in the Bugis area was a practice peculiar to the Bone court. This practice would appear to have developed as a result of European influences, particularly the influence of the Portuguese and Dutch, who were the fITst to make contact via trading ports at Gowa (Macknight 1997). The Bugis diaries used in this research are written in the Bugis script. In this thesis, each of the sources used is given a reference code made up of a combination of letters and numbers, denoting the collection or library in which it is held. In general, these are the designations by which the manuscripts are known in the libraries to which they belong. Most of the materials I have used are manuscripts kept at the OIOe, British Library; the exception is UMLIB Mik. 7, which I have consulted in the form of microfilms kept in the library of the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. The sources used in this thesis are as follows:

BLMS. Add.

A Bugis diary written from 1780 to 1785.

12349 BLMS. Add. 12350

A Bugis diary written from 1808 to 9 July 1809, and July and August 1812.

BLMS. Add.

A personal [Bugis] diary of the king of Bone written from 1775 to 1795.

12354 BLMS. Add.

A Bugis diary written from 1775 to 1795.

12356 BL MS. Bugis 2

A Bugis diary written from 1776 to 1794.

Bf, MS. Or. 815-1

A Bugis diary written from 1790 to 1800.


lfMfJB Mik. 7

Miscellany of information translated from the Bugis language into the Malay language. written in Jawi scnip'1. 3

Table 3.2: List of Bugis diaries

The script lacks certain consonants such as ga ( ~ ). nya ( '7 ). pa ( --:.) and ca ( ~) which are found in the Jawi slTipt. These fOUT letters represent phonemes in spoken Malay but are not represented in the Arabic script. 3

28 The four key manuscripts used in this thesis are held in the British Library. They are as follows: 1. BL MS Add 12349 - DJM (the diary of the Jennang" of Maros). 2. BL MS Add 12354 - DAS (the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh). 3. BL MS Bugis 2 - DTM (the diary of Tomarilalang5 Maloloe').

4. BL MS Or. 8154

- DoM (the diary of the Maqdanrang).

Other Bugis materials and Dutch records are identified by the library in which they are kept: ANRI UP (National Archive of Indonesia at Makassar. South Sulawesi) and ANRI Mak (National Archive of Indonesia at Jakarta for Dutch records). Besides these sources, the thesis also makes use of published sources in European and Indonesian languages, referred to and cited in the usual way. Included in these published materials are two dictionaries: Matthes (1874) Boegineesche-Hollandsch Woordenboek. and Said (1977) Kamus Bugis-Indonesia. Matthes arranges the Bugis words in groups according to their common root, listing below these are other words derived from a combination of the root and affixes: the definitions are in Dutch. Said's dictionary, which is set out in a similar fashion, contains fewer words, almost all of which are taken from modern day spoken Bugis; these differ in many instances from 'archaic' Bugis words found in the manuscript texts.


The Bugis scripts and its development

The Bugis script is a near syllabary; that is, it represents syllables, not letters. As a result, the Bugis writing system is structurally deficient or incomplete for the recording of the Bugis language, in that some elements of speech cannot be indicated by the script. The Bugis script consists of twenty-three symbols or aksara, each of which consists of a consonant followed by the inherent vowel Ia! [NA], and diacritic marks representing vowels other than Ia! added to the basic character and replacing the inherent Ia!. The value of each symbol may be altered by the addition of diacritic marks placed after, above. before and below the symbol (aksara). For example. <0> (Sa) produces (So), < 0> (Si), < ~o> (Se) as in 'sef, <~> (Su) and <0> (Se) as in "search"'. The basic characters of the Bugis script are listed as follows:


.Jennang is an administrator of an area or region. ~ Tomarila/ang is one of the three most important positions in the adm inistrations of Bone apart from the Maqdanrang and the Maqkedangngerana (see Chapter 6.1.1). h According to Abidin (1971: 162) and Safwan et al. (1980/1981 :23). the original form of the Bugis script consisted of eighteen ak.mra. He claims that the introduction of the aksara <" 00 > (Ha) is connected with Islam. It app~s to have been introduced by a Muslim preacher of Sumatran origin who introduced Islam to South Sulawesi. Abdul Makmur Khatib Tunggal Datu ri Bandang. in the early seventeenth century. With the addition of the ahara (00). it made possible the transliteration of Arabic terms into Bugis. -t





Ca Ja Na Nca Ya Ra La Wa

i •


" o


Sa A Ha

Table 3.3: List of Bugis aksara

In the Bugis script, the velar nasal ('ng') and the glottal stop ( q') all of which are linguistically productive, are never shown. Gemination? (for example, 'tt' as in ttiwi to bring, 'mm' - as in mmonro - to live, 'ss' - as in ssapa - to look) is rarely specified and pre-nasalised aksara ('Mpa', 'Ngka', 'Nra', 'Na') are used irregularly. These missing elements have important grammatical functions, as well as being necessary for the correct transcription of words (Sirk 1983' Noorduyn 1955).8 Little is known of the development of the Bugis script subsequent to its introduction to

outh Sulawesi. A large number of the extant eighteenth century manuscripts are

copies commissioned by Europeans; Matthes, Ligtvoet Niemann, and others. 9 The Bugis script has frequently been described as similar to the Rejang script of Sumatra.

bidin also mentions that the addition of four pre-nasalized consonants, (Ngka) < ~ > (Nra) > (Mpa) and ~ > (Nya) into the Bugis script was attributed to a person of noble birth Collipujie the Arung of Pancana who was Matthes' important informant (Sirk 1983:27). The additions of the abara 00 and the four pre-nasalized consonants brought the basic Bugis script to its present form (Abidin 1971: 162). Problem al 0 ari e becau e the Bugis speakers, when writing their language in Romanised character u uaB mak no di tinction between geminated and pre-glottalized stops pelling both with double n onant character . In general usage, apparently pre-glottaJization of consonant is interpreted b the Bugi a being identical to gemination or lengthening of consonants. For further information. rduyn (1990:470-473). an ampl. th charact r N> may be rendered: tapa- to roast~ tappa- fonn~ tappa '- gleam~ tampa '- a oTt of gift~ tampan - tring or tape' the character <~~> rna be rendered: b 'beq- tupid. behb '- to drip. b .mb .q- goat. 9 In th earl t nti th tury. th opying of th Bugis manu cript a continued under the direction of Dr. . . C n h th taaJambtenaar. ci il ant for language in outh ula i in 1930 ith th tabli hm t f th atth tichting (Yaya an J(, budayaan ulCM i latan dan Tenggara. h {; rth T). Thi ffi Tt lat ntinued b Bugi holar uch as Dr. ukhli Pami in the 19 0 . In 1972 and 197 • Dr. .c. a knight microfilmed the collection of manu ipt in Y T and n th m t i l ar t in th u tr lia ational ni r ity.


fonn of the character(s) is peculiar, and more nearly resembles that of the Batas on Sumatra than any other we know of'. Although some scholars have inferred a direct relationship between the Bugis script and the Kawi script or Rejang of Sumatra, due to the similarities in aksara between them, Caldwell (1988: 13) argues that there is insufficient evidence for such a conclusion. Indeed, in view of the relative lateness of extant Bugis manuscripts, none of which pre-date the late seventeenth century, it is impossible to draw conclusions as to the relationship of the Sumatran, South Sulawesi and other apparently related scripts, purely on the basis of the shape of the aksara.


The Bugis diaries: A general overview

In South Sulawesi, there seems to have been a real urge to record all sorts of facts, particularly in the heyday of Bugis and Makassar cultural expansion. Within the wider sphere of general record keeping, we observe an attention to historical recording, chiefly the keeping of diaries and other historical literature. The reason for this is clearly stated as an urge to save from oblivion all sorts of things worth knowing. Cense (1966:424) quotes from a statement in a Makassar diary dated 21 st July 1896: "The reasons why this is recorded is that it shall be easily found again and consulted whenever something similar might crop up". In the chronicle of Gowa, the writer expressly states why he or she undertook to record the past: "[ ... ] The recording is done only because it was feared that the old kings might be forgotten by their posterity; if people were ignorant about these things, the consequences might be that either we could consider ourselves too lofty kings or on the other hand foreigners might take us only for common people. n (Wolhoff and Abdurrahim 1969:9) Noorduyn (1965: 140) notes that historical writing in South Sulawesi is unique among Indonesian historical traditions because of its terseness and matter-of-factness. This terseness and matter-of-factness is almost palpable in the diary (Noorduyn 1961, 1965; Abidin 1971; Tol 1993, 1996). In Makassar, diaries were called lontaraq hUang. Originally, in South Sulawesi, lontaraq, meant writings on lontar leaves, but the word \vas later used for writings in general. A lontaraq hi/anglO is therefore a work in \\'hich 'nUInbers' or 'dates'. are incorporated and arranged in a chronological order. In the

I'he Bugis. tenn 'bilang' means ·to calculate' or 'to count'. \\'hen referring to the Lonraraq bilang. in general. it connotes a 'calculation or counting of the day. month and year based upon the moon's cycles'. For the Bugis. the calculation of years. months and days had a certain meaning in their everyday li\'e. and for that reason we may find that these calculations are written in the diary. In s()me of the royal Rugis diaries. there is a special codex. called J....lilika. which sets out the calculations. III

31 Bugis areas, the name sureq bilang is the more general term. The word sureq occurs twice in DAS: in the entry for 1st January 1775 which begins "'umula massureq bilang": and in the entry for 28 th November 1782 which starts: "idiq matona patonangngi ri sureq bilattaq". As diaries record daily activities, Tol (1993; 1996) referred to the Bugis

diaries as dagregisters (D.), daily registers, which record everyday events. Because of their succinct style, and as they record only ordinary daily events, Bugis diaries are almost free from introspection. The data recorded in the diaries are miscellaneous and concern very practical and material things. The information contained in the royal diaries covers births, marriages, deaths and other events in the royal family. but also state affairs, war expeditions, pacts, official visits and extraordinary natural phenomena (DAS, DJM, DoM, DTM).

There is no evidence that the keeping of diaries was practised among the Javanese II and Malays or other ethnic groups, other than in South Sulawesi (cf. Ceperkovic 1998:56-65). The only exception to this appears to be the Bimanese diary, called 'bo', probably from the Dutch boek for 'book' (Chambert-Loir 1996:75, 1999; Aliuddin 1983) but which, given by the trading and political relationships between Bima and Makassar, may have been inspired by South Sulawesi diaries. The concept of recording day-to-day events was an indigenous response to an external stimulus: we may postulate that the Bugis tradition of writing diaries resulted from European influence, though there is still insufficient evidence in this regard. Macknight (1997:8) suggests that the strongest influence on the Makasar (and Bugis) historical writing traditions was probably the Portuguese chronicles, though he does not discount possible influence from Malay or Muslim literature (Pelras 1985: 107-135; Noorduyn 1972b: 11-20; Boxer 1967), The influx of foreign influences to South Sulawesi is significant in the diaries' layout, In which European and Islamic dates are both used: on one page of the diary, the Christian system of dating is written on the left hand side while, on the opposite side, the corresponding year according to the Islamic hijrah system is written. The classification is based on the months of the solar year, which are almost always denoted by their Portuguese names. Apart from that, for February 29 th , the word bisessetll ('~\'l!), which denotes a leap year. derived from the Portuguese word bissexto. is often written (Cense 1966:418).

The only known exception i~ a diary \\Titten by a woman ~oldier at the court of Mangkunegara I. The diary CO\'l'r~ tcn full years from 1781 to 1791. See Ann Kumar (1980a, 1980b). II


All extant diaries are written on European paper: there is no evidence to suggest that diaries were ever written on lontar leaves. Indeed, the system and style of diary \\Titing would be difficult to adapt to a writing system based on lontar lea\'es. This is because the lontar leaves were arranged in long narrow strips on which was written a single line of writing. These strips were then wound onto a spool set in a wooden holder. In order to read the material, a reader had to wind the strip from one end of the holder to the other. This type of manuscript is mentioned in the Chronicle of Bone, written in the late seventeenth century, which says: "There were five in their family. As for the names of the others, they remain in the chronicles which are rolled up". If the diary existed long before the Bugis contact with the Europeans, the reading of diary events as a source of reference or personal aid to memory would have been impractical when writing was recorded on palm leaves.


The BL MS. Add. 12354, the DAS

Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, the twenty-third ruler of Bone, was the writer of the diary BL MS.Add.12354 (henceforth, referred as DAS), which is the primary source for this

thesis. The diary's first entry explicitly manifests the author's conscious decision to embark on a new practice of keeping a personal record in writing a diary (DAS:f.5v). Although Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh frequently uses first person pronouns, the enclitic of

'u', 'ku' and 'kaq' (I, my, mine), he offers little information about himself in person. For example, in the first few pages of the DAS, he writes: "1170 Hijrah Sanat Sallallahu 'alayhi H'assallaam. [On] the 11 th Ramadhan, on Monday, [equivalent to] 30th May [... ] I was born. God bless. I was named Ahmad [and] my Bugis name [is] La Tenritappu Toampaliweng. Alhamdulillah." (DAS:f.5r)

Elsewhere, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentions his marriage in an equally succinct style: "1188 Hijrah Sanat that is 1774 Hir. That is on [Christian th date equals to] 3rd November [equals to] 28 of the month of Sya 'ban, on Thursday, I took I Tenripada as my wife. God bless. Alhamdulillah." (DAS:f.184v)

On the same page, he informs us of the dates of birth of six of his children: for each e\'cnt the Muslin1 and Christian dates are written alongside. as well as the time \\'hen thc children were born. For example:

"1189 Hijrah Sanat, that is 1775 Hir that is [Christian Era] 23 rd October, on 2ih of the month of Sya 'ban, on Monday. after 7.00 [a.m.] Siti Fatimah was born. Her Bugis name is Batara Tungkeq [...]." (DAS:f.184v) "1190 Hijrah Sanat, that is 1776 Hir that is [Christian Era] 28 th October, on 14th of the month of Ramadhan, on Monday, after 10.00 [a.m.] Siti Salimah was born. Her Bugis name is I Maneratu [...]." (DAS:f.l84v) "1191 Hijrah Sanat, that is 1777 Hir that is [Christian Era] 16th December, on 15th of the month of Zulkaedah, on Tuesday night, after 7.00 [p.m.] Muhamad Ismail was born [...]." (DAS:f.184v)

Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh does not record the Bugis name of his son here; later in the diary we find that Muhamad Ismail's Bugis name was La Mappatunru. Similarly. the Bugis names for his other three sons are not mentioned on this page (DAS:f.l R4\'), but their names are mentioned in subsequent diary entries. The entries in DAS was written by the ruler himself; only in a few places do we find different handwriting, suggesting that a different person occasionally undertook the writing of the diary. These occasions represent less than 1% of the total 5,435 entries, excluding the Addenda for each year. DAS covers the period 1775 to 1795 with breaks no greater than a few days. Of all

the diaries examined in this thesis it contains the greatest number of entries, with an average of twenty-two days per month, as well as the longest period.


22 days


15 days

BLMS.Add 12357 DoM

14 days


7 days

BLMS.Add 12373 BLMS.Add 12350

13 days

BLMSAdd. 12356

22 days

5 days

11 days

21 years (1775-1795) 19 years (1776-1794) 17 years (1795-1813) 11 years (1790-1800) 6 years (1780-1785) 7 years 1793-1799 4 years (1808-1809, 1810,1812) 21 years (17751795)

Arumpone Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Tomarilalang Hasanuddin La appatunruq Maqdanrang uhd Ramallan Jennang of aros La Mappatunruq Arumpone and La Mappatunruq Recen io of DAS

Table 3.4: List of some of the Bugis diaries and years of coverage

90 80 70 60 AYef


50 40 30 20 10


1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780 1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 179 195

Vel Figure 3.1:

Arung T 't' D th old j nnan of I.

erage percentage of entries in D

for 177 -179

th n \. jennon of ro on 29 Jul 2 (DJ.\I:fl r: f. D. L ':f64 )

DAS is in excellent condition; the paper is Dutch with the watermark


surmounted by 'A', 'SCK' and 'D & Blauwe'. All the pages are strongl bound and none is damaged by weather or insects. The volume is bound in soft dark bro n leather and decorated with blind stamping and tooling. The binding of the diary is decorated using frame bands, corner pieces, bud-shaped decorations and medallions (cf. Plomp 1993:570-591). This diary has a folio page size measuring 42.5 cm in length and 26. cm in width, with a few folios of different sizes inserted in it.

Figure 3.2: The diary of Sultan


hmad as-Salleh

The script and the language of DAS

The manu cript is written in black ink. DA i largel free from an rubrication and r d ink i u ed onl to write Frida (Jllm 'at- ~ ar u d,

c pt

uharram 119





.) each


hen the writer r cord the beginning of the ne .H. (Anno HUrah) i

ritt n a (~o~

ontain four diffi rent t p

of cript: Bu~i,


abic numeral

month· for in tanc '\


a a ar

(DA ':f.67

abic and

36 Roman. DAS is written almost wholly in Bugis script in the Bugis language~ onl\' occasionally does the writer use the Makasar language, for example for the entries for 17th and 25 th June 1779 (DAS:f.36r) and 22


July 1779 (DAS:f.36v). which coincide

with times when the writer is stationed at Makassar. A few foreign words are also found. These include: major (maioroe, B.) (DAS 6


May 1778:f.28\·). admiral

(ameralaq, B.) (DAS 17th August 1787:f.93r), general (jineralaq, B.) (DAS 4

1780:f.42v), corporal (koperalaq, B.) (DAS





September 1784:f.72\"). company

(kompania, B.) (DAS Addendum 1785:f.89r) and governor (goronadoro, B.) (DAS Addendum 1785:f.81 v). There are also Dutch names, such as Deefhout (I Depo) (DAS

29 th July 1787:f.92v), Van de Voort (Paderoporo) (DAS 16th June 1780:f.43r), Barend Reijke (Bareng Riki) (DAS Addendum 1785:f.82r) and Raad van Indie (Ratu pan India) (DAS Addendum 1785:f.81 v). Roman script is used only to write the name of the solar

month and numerals. Arabic script is not widely used in DAS, but is employed to write Arabic words, Muslim (and foreign) names and religious formulas (mainly connected with Islamic traditions and in private letters), such as Chapter (Ar., Bah - ~). Part (Ar.. Fasal- J,....a.9). The End (Tammat - WAi), and Qur'anic ayat (verse) which regularly follow information about certain facts. For example, when a death is recorded, it is usually written as, 'We are Allah's and return to Him (u~ i.J ~ \J 1-, ~ \J I); for births, the formula, 'May Allah lengthen hislher life' (o~/lA~ ~IJb-,) is used; for a birthday, 'Allah lengthen my life to the length of my works' (~ k. ~ ~ ~ ~\ Jb); in reports of disasters, such as fire, 'I seek protection against this with Allah' (~~ 4 ~.JC i); in reports of natural phenomena, such as eclipses of the moon or earthquakes, contracts, "Allah is sufficient witness' (i

~ ~

'May He be Glorified'


J ).



Other formulas such as 'All

Praise is due to Allah' (J1~I), 'May Allah Bless' (~I~I~). and 'There is no God except Allah and Muhammad is His Messenger' ( J1J.Jo'o'l.J ~ J1'l' .ut'l ) are often found in the diary entries. In addition, where Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh reports the building of his palace, a squiggle representing a house is drawn; this is found also in a number of other places in the diary (DAS:f.20r; f.23v; f.55v).13


This feature is also found in Do!'! and DT.\/.





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The layout of the diary

The layout ofDAS divides the page into five columns. The first and second column consist of the Bugis bUang or count. The word bUang ('to count or to calculate B.) is a method of reckoning the auspicious time at which to carry out worldl acti ities. This I will discuss in Chapter 3.6. The third column contains the date of the month in the Christian calendar whilst the day of the week in the Hijrah calendar is written in the fourth column, with Friday, written in Arabic script, in red ink. The fifth column contains the events or activities. The date in the Hijrah calendar is also recorded in the fifth column, and this is only done on the first day of every Hijrah month. A single page is allocated for each month, which gives limited space for each date. For each year, two pages are left blank for additional notes to be made later as the Addenda. At the top of the page, there are three headings: at the very left-hand comer the months in the Christian calendar are written. In the right hand comer, the year is written in Roman numerals using the Common Era. Interestingly, in the middle of the page are written the names of the months in the historic Turkish calendar: Nllllles (~r lIuJnth in Christian clIlendar

Nlll11eS (~f 1I10ntlt in Mu .../inl clIlent/llr

Nllnle... of nlontlt in oftl Turkislt










Rabiul Awwal





Rabiul Akhir


Nas Ytin



Jamadil Awwal


As Ytir



Jamadil Akhir













Agu to








Te rinievvel





Kanlll1l1eV\ el

Nlln,es ofmonth in tlte DAS

Nan,es of n,onth in modern Turkish I




rizath- Thani


Kaniinal-A u.'wal


bl 3. : Li t of n me of month in D ( ource : D . s bul 1979)

From the above table, we can see that the names of month found in DAS are ba d on the names of the old Turkish months except for


a and

ugu 1. Th old

Turkish calendar is of Arabic-Syrian origin and was in u ed in Turke from th lat seventeenth century until 1945, when the Turks changed to modem Turki h nam their calendar system (Tsybulsky 1979: 127-9). It is not clear


h the Arumpon ' u

the names of the old Turkish calendar rather than the Muslim calendar.

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Figure 3.5: La out of the diary, DAS.

DAS al a records the windu (eight-year parzamang, B.) cycle. 14 Th

c c1

a recorded in most Bugi diarie

was employed to reckon the



ath r and \: 'a

mm nly u ed a a guide for agricultural purpo e . Each ear ha a diff r nt nam . and a campI te eight-year cyc1 con i t of:


lot n;

ith Drs.

uhli' H drawi.


_4 th



. at Tamalaor a. lak


40 NlInle ofyetlTS

111 Bugis

III Arabic script

The year of A lif


The year of Ba


The year of Jim



The year of Ha




The year of Dal (I)

Dal riolo


The year of Dal (IT)

Dal rimunri


The year of Zai



The year of Wau



Table 3.6: The pariamang eight year c de (sources: DAS and DJM) 3.5.3

The contents of DAS

The diary entries in DAS begin at folio 5v and end on folio 156r. These entrie including the Addendum, encompass the largest percentage of the code. Immediately following the diary entries are miscellaneous supplements such as bUang, religiou notes, religious charms, personal notes, drawings, a later insertion of other notes and other miscellanies, which can be summarised as below: /Je.fticript;ons

NUlllber ofpages


302 pages


4 pages


3. BHang

12 pages


4. Letters

9 pages

2.23 %

5. Songs, poems and verses

4 pages


6. Notes on meetings

6 pages

1.49 %

7. Personal notes

29 pages

7.18 %

8. Miscellaneous

38 pages

9.41 0/0


404 pages


1. Diary entries

2. Drawings

T bl 3.7: Content of D


uppl m nt do not contain onl the da -to-da

infl rmation and di

ntri .

planation n th r r gular fl atur

ervm of th

to an dia


nt, but pro ide di

er qu tion ari th



fr m th

in rtion of infl rmati n

41 pertaining to a previous date. This is a result of the time taken for news to be sent o\'er long distances. For example, on 1st March 1777, the Arumpone mentions having received news that his nephew, I Budiman, has passed a\\'ay. This ne\\" information is added retrospectively to the entry dated 20 th February 1777: th

20 February 1777: "[ ... ] Today, my nephew, I Budiman, passed away [... ]." (DAS:f.13r)

Other examples show similar instances of addition of new information, such as on the illness of the Dowager Queen, Arung Palakka, also known as Petta Paramparang. The diary mentions her illness on 11 th January 1779: "I went bathing at Makuri. There was a letter sent by the Maqdanrang informing me that Petta Paramparang's illness is worsening." (DAS:f.33v) It appears that the day when the letter was despatched may have been the same day

on which Petta Paramparang died, as in the entry four days earlier, on

i h January


Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had noted the death of Petta Paramparang: 7th January 1779: "Today Petta Paramparang passed away after 8.00 p.m. From Allah we cometh and to Him do we return." (DAS:f.33v) Another example of retrospective addition to an entry involves a fire at Bone. The Arumpone records the event as follows: 28 th August 1778: "[ ... ] The night Bone caught fire, towards the east of the palace, thirteen houses were burnt down." (DAS:f.30r) 2nd September 1778: "Puang Batara Tungkeq instructed Indoq Budung to visit me and to inform me regarding the fire at Bone [... ]." (DAS:f.30v)

It happens sometimes that information for a certain year is not written in its proper place but elsewhere, often in the Addendum. For example, in the Addendum tor 178). the writer has inserted a letter which was written in 1785. whilst the Addendum tor 17R6 includes a letter written on 22 nd September 1794. As the diary had limited space. the writer copied or inserted supplementary information in whatever space was available instead of in a strict chronological sequence.



The hilang

In the Bugis society, means of reckoning 'lucky' and 'unlucky' times is through bilang (counting, B.), whereby the calculation of the day, month and year is based upon

the lunar cycles. To each year, month, day, or even time of day, is attributed a specific quality, the knowledge of which guides decision-making in Bugis activities. Matthes (1874:212) defines bilang as ''to count, to calculate, sum up, tell, or to narrate; to calculate what time would be auspicious for an undertaking". The bUang is derived from a system called kutika. 15 Although bUang also function as guide for reckoning of time, they do not contain such elaborate prescriptions as kutika. In bUang, mantra or spells are absent and the bUang, unlike kutika, are not used as charms. In other words, bilang are just lists of guidelines for detennining auspicious and inauspicious times by

means of counting the days of week and hours of the day. Each day has its own criteria and only certain activities are good to be accomplished. The time of day is also taken into account. For instance, if one wishes to go out of the house to perfonn any errands, according to the bilang pitu (seven, B.) the best time would be before noon, as this would ensure that any job would be done successfully. 16 In the Javanese primbon, time and practical guides to divination are usually based on three cycles out of the nine cycle; but the 5, 6 and 7-day weeks are also commonly used. The five-day, or market week, consists of these days: Pahing, Pon, Wage, Kliwon and Legi (Behrend 1996:170).17 In contradistinction to the Javanese primbon, the Bugis bilang generally consists of the bilang tellu, bilang lima, bilang asera and bilang duwappulo, which are counted according to their respective cycles: 3 and 5-day weeks,

and 9 or 20-day months. Generally, the cycles for these bilangs are as follows:

According to Winstedt (1951), the word leutika (pitika, Mak.) comes from a Sanskrit word, referring to the division of the day into five periods named for Hindu deities, indicating that at least some of the knowledge contained in these texts originated in Hindu astrology (Robinson 1998: 173). Matthes (1874: 17) defined leutika as "time of day; time at which some act or other is carried out having been calculated as auspicious or inauspicious. As such used by the natives to indicate everything, be it a document, a table, a diagram, or whatever else, from which he can tell what times are auspicious and which are not". Matthes explains that there are different leutika for different purposes. In general, the leutilea contains techniques for identifying auspicious and inauspicious times for other worldly activities such as constructing buildings, undertaking journeys, holding weddings and other ceremonies for rites of passage; though it is similar to hilang, leutilea appears to be more detailed, and includes the use of mantra and spells. Further information, see also Matthes (1812c; Tadjuddin 1991). 16 Information on the manner of counting the auspicious and inauspicious time based upon Bugis' hilang was provided by my respondents Petta Rani and Petta Nompok of Jalan Ahmad Yam, Kabupaten Bone, on 27th August 1999. 17 The hilang pitu are perhaps designated as days in a week (Sun-Mon-Tue-Wed-Thu-Fri-Sat). For instance, for travelling, according to hilang lima and hilang pitu, bad days would be Sunday Paing, Saturday Pon, Friday Wage, Tuesday Kliwon, Monday Legi, Thursday Wage and Saturday Kliwon. IS


Billing tellu (3) 1. Passimara suppai 2. Golla paeroi 3. Pattudalleq-i

Billing IiIlUI (5) 1. Rialai

3 Masara

Bilang asera (9) 1. Pobatu paoronf(Ylf(i 2. Patereq rukkai 3. Lalleng kowari

Bilang dllwappllio (20) 1. Poqjurllwatta 2.Pa 3.Jumua or gumaha


4Mappoleangngi 5. Palai

4. Tessisumpalaq timun 5. Mangngasetti punai 6. Marumang sibauwi 7. Patiro ton$!11~ai 8.Palele akeqaron$!11f(i 9. Panoreng mulingngi

4. Wajiq or hajill 5. Ungnga-ungnga 6. Palettuq or talettuq 8. Lebboq

9. Lageq 10. Cempa 11. Tulleq 12. Arien$!11~ 13. Beruku 14. PanironKflf(i 15. Ma'uwwa 16. Dettia 17. Lama 18. Lan~karaq 19. Jeppati 20. Tumppakale

Table 3.8: Cycles of the bilang 3, 5, 9 and 20


In DAS, three types of bilang are used alongside each other: the bilang lima, bilang

a era and bilang duwappulo. However, for bilang duwappulo, only fifteen names are found, and there is a discrepancy of names of the bilang duwappulo in comparison to those in Table 3.8. In DAS, these names are nakaiq, palaguni, bi akai, jaitiq, sarwani,

paddurani, suju', pacikaiq, pusiq, mangngasaiq, mangasattu, mangngalupi, pobatllpaonro, poto- enrijawa and pongalekaraja. The placing of bilang in the diary s layout i also found in other Bugis diaries, with variation in the numbers of bilang applied. For e ample, in the diaries BL M. . Add. 12350, DIM and the DoM, only two kinds of bilang are u ed: bilang lima and bUang a era. The significance of bilang can be understood from the diary th lifl ofa Bu


hich e plains the importance of reckoning auspiciou times in

1 .

uhli Hadra '. on 10th Octo r 1999. at ssar. based upon hi pr '0 di ' P t1a Tiro from Bontorihu 'illag in bup t n of Bon' in 199 . and I nmweng of Du un C nna D ttl. matan .0 ri a\ o. abup t n oppcng.

44 According to Pak Bilang,19 Teq Ummareng, the bilang lima- o i u uall referr d t for agricultural activities, whereas other bilang are used for different purpo e . Petta Nompok Andi Muhammad Ali mentions that the bilang pitu is commonl

u ed t

denote the most auspicious time in dealing with joumeys.21 The name of the c de mentioned in the bilang are not words in Bugis daily usage. Moreo er se eral nam


stars or asterisms are also associated with the lontaraq bilang' the sulo bawie (the pi stars), the tuttumpajai (the morning star), the wara-warai (the listless tar) th tanratel/ue (the sign of three stars), the manuq-e (the hen stars), the waluq-e (the four tar


the empangnge (the two stars), the butteq-e (the curled stars), the lambaruq-e (the fa fish or skate stars), the woromporongnge (the seven stars), the tellu-tellu-e and th mangngiwengnge (the shark stars) (DAS, DJM, Ammarell1994:189-206).

Figure 3.6: The Bugis hilang (source: DAS)

Pak Bi/ang i apr on ho i knowl dgeable in time reckoning. • 0 h hi/an lima u" d for agricultural a tivitie ha diffi r nt name . th ar: aka (r t whl h i . uit bl fl r pi ntin ro t g tabl ), the batang (th tern whi h ar uitabl fi r r win plant u h a bamb , u ar- an ), th roh (th I af hi h i uitabl for gr wing I afy \" g tabl ). thl: bUll a (th tl r hi h i 'uit bl fl r gr 'ng plant uch love) and th bua (th fruit, u h a banan . man 1 ) • .:! I P rs nal mmum ti n 'ith P tta mp k Andi uhammad Ii. on _7 th • UQU t I t II)

t mp n',



The Bugis diary: Identifying the 'moment in time'

For most events recorded in DAS and other Bugis diaries, no time of occurrence is specified or indicated. The only occasions on which times are specified are found with reference to birth and death. For example: 28 th October 1776: "After 10.00 [p.m.], Puang Batara Tungkeq gave birth to a baby girl [... ]." (DAS:f.17r) 15 th June 1782: "After 5.00 [p.m.] the wife of the Tomarilalang had given birth. It was a baby boy." (DAS:f.57r) 18th December 1788: "I Warn passed away after 5.00 [a.m.], I donated 20 real [ ... ]." (DAS:f.102r)

16th December 1794: "After 2.00 [p.m.] Puang Batara Tungkeq gave birth to a baby boy: it was so lucky that the baby could come out as the baby had died before he was born [...]." (DAS:f.148r) In DAS (as in DoM, DTM) entries are positioned on the page in a way which tells the reader whether the events happened in the day or at night. As the diary's layout gives a limited space for the recording of events, each date is provided with a single spacing. If the script is written exactly on the same level as the date, it signifies that the event took place during the day, while writing below the date shows that the event occurred in the evening or at night. Similarly, events that occurred in the early morning or before noon are recorded above the date. Because of the limited space allocated for each day. whenever there were many activities or events that the writer considered important, the writer had to find space to squeeze them in, and so tended to make somewhat more detailed notes around the edges of the pages and between other notes, consequently forming a labyrinth pattern. Such patterning in the DAS, and in other Bugis diaries. makes it difficult to keep track of the entry and of the indicator of time, as the lines written may tum 90 degrees or 180 degrees, and the words appear sideways or upside down, nlaking it necessary to tum the diary around when reading it.

46 Date

Events Early morning! day

3 -

- _.. --- - -- --- ------ -- --- ---- -- - -- - --- - - ------- - -- --- -- - --- --- -- --- - - -- -------

Evening! night Early morning! day


--- --- -- --- -- ---- -- ---- --- -- - -- - ---- -- ---- --- --- --- --- ---- -- - ---- -- - -- --- ----

Evening! night

Table 3.9: Basic time division in DAS




J '¢'J> 46

. . ..,.., . .............. -":t,,......,.. .: .... . --... '!-.:.


r ~




1' ... oGo"""",,-..,.~


~ 11 -.










!~., .. -~-~ .... ~-

... .:...


. . _._l

1 (

,.t" "-




:l .,• . !'

... t·



,"",,!-~""'\-;~.~"Q~-"~ -\"",:;: ~"'''-''.'-~-..r~~ ~~~

':... -.0:-""::

~.-.. -=










-i:- ::--=:-y-:-:'


-.... "' ... '-.,


. "

"""?~"''''''';' -;)-··· ....... -sr~ ... -""O~~ -;~:,,..: ~A""""':,""?-":'~,,'"tt"";'':

""a . .




~. <-


"J .








:2 •

. I


Fi ure 3.7: Spacing of the script as in an indicator of time in D S ote the spacing ritten for 1 t 2 nd ,9 th 20 th , 23 rd Jul~ 1778)



Summary and conclusions

The Bugis diaries are kept in several locations; the most important collections are those in the British Library and the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- ell Volkenkunde, in Leiden. Two diaries are held in the National Archi\'e in Jakarta. The

diaries are written in the Bugis script on imported European paper and bound in book form, and provide an almost continuous stream of indigenous historical information covering the period 1660 to 1910. The main entries in DAS (like in other Bugis diaries) are characterised by a terse, matter-of-fact style. Foreign words are occasionally used, and Arabic words and formulae are written in the Arabic script. A single letter in Malay, written in Jawi script, is found in the Addendum (DAS:f.81 v). The diary is set out in a normal chronological manner and the spacing of the writing for each day's entries provides an indication of time. DAS is divided into five columns, to include the dates in both Christian and Muslim form, and the hUang calculations. At the end of the entries for each calendar year are two folio pages containing notes referring to the year's entries. This I call the Addenda. At the end of the diary's entries, comprising fifty-one folio pages, are found miscellaneous notes, including hUang and kutika. Despite the brevity of its main entries, the diary is a rich source of information, especially on the life of the court of Bone. In the chapters that follow, I will set out what can be learnt from the contents of DAS and, where possible, I will contrast these findings against the evidence of other Bugis diaries and contemporary Dutch sources.


Chapter Four The Diary as a Historical Text: Political Events "The power of the monarch seems to have no limit; none can approach him on term~ of equality, save the aru matoah of \\'ajoq, and the datu of Soping. The authority delegated by him to his minister appears equally arbitrary, and the aru pitu - the great council - is a mere tool in his hands." (Brooke 1848: 134)



In this chapter, I will attempt to set out what can be learnt from Sultan Ahmad asSalleh's diary of political events in South Sulawesi during the period 1775 - 1795. Where applicable, events described in this diary will be cross-referred with other indigenous sources, and with contemporary Dutch sources.


The death of Sultan Abdul Razak and the election of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh as the Crown Prince

Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh began writing his diary on 1st January 1775. The first entry expresses his intention to start keeping a diary, and invokes God's blessings upon this new venture: HI started writing the diary. La ilaha illallah. Barakallah." (DAS:f.5v)

Why did Ahmad as-Salleh start writing a diary? Nowhere does he tell us of his reason for embarking on this new act. I would argue that the act of starting a diary was. in a sense, a political act. One might speculate that he began the diary in the full knowledge of his grandfather's declining health, which was to result six months later in his death. Keeping a diary was customary for the rulers and high officials of Bone. \\'h\ this was so. I will explore later. For the moment, it is reasonable to assume that the starting of his diary indicates Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s gro\\·ing awareness that not too long in


the future, he would succeed his grandfather as Arumpone. I At the time of his illness. the old king was living in Gowa. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh refers to his grandfather's poor health several times during the next six months. The earliest entry is on 2.+


February, when he records that the king was finding it difficult to breathe (DAS:f.6r). This is followed by entries recording the visits of four high-ranking officials and the

Karaeng of Gowa and Talloq. On Sunday 5th March the old king was visited by the harbourmaster and on the next day by the Kadi, Gowa' s senior religious otTicial

(DAS:f.6v). On Friday 14th April the Karaeng of Gowa and Talloq again came to pay their respects, and six days later the Kadi and the Matoa paid a second visit (DAS:f. 7r). From the frequency of these visits, it seems evident that Gowa's officials and allied rulers were aware of the old king's failing health. Nine days after the second visit by the Kadi and the Matoa of Gowa, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh again reports that the old king had difficulty in breathing, this time accompanied by pain, which was reflected in his protruding (mellang, B.) eyes. On Wednesday 31 st May Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh tells us: "I have carried out my duty in attending on the sick [king]." (DAS:f. 7v).

Two days later, the Karaeng of Gowa and Talloq returned again to visit the dYing king. Nowhere else in the diary does one find a similarly frequent series of visits. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, in his second entry on 5th June, describes the illness which led to his grandfather's death in the early hours: "The sickness he suffered was not fever, nor headache but 2 none other than difficulty in breathing. For one hundred nights he endured the illness before he departed this life. The end." (DAS:f.8r) Within hours of the old king's death, Ahmad as-Salleh was appointed ruler. At 6.00 a.m. that morning La Passere, one of the Bone interpreters, informed the Dutch Governor. Mr. Van der Voort, of Sultan Abdul Razak's death and of Ahmad as-Salleh's elevation to the office of Arumpone. Soon after, at 9.00 a.m., the Govcrnor sent his representatives, the Company's interpreters, Mr. Raket and Mr. Voll, to convcy the COInpany's condolences and to offer presents (AlvRl Afak.404/4:5


June 1775).

Arumpone is the Bugis title of the ruler of Bone. The word Arumpone deri\"es from Arung Bone. a Bugis title parallel to the Makasar title karaeng, originally meaning ruler: lord: a noble of high rank. ~ Perhaps the king died because of asthma. One of the notes found in the codex of DAS says that Sultan Abdul Razak died at the age of se\"enty-four. The illness he suffered showed S)TIlptoms similar ll) th()..;c which Ahmad as-Salleh and his children exhibited. I


Possibly the Governor of Makassar did not go to pay his last respects to the old king. as neither the Bugis nor Dutch sources mention such a visit. Three years earlier, at the age of fifteen, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had been formally appointed as Crown Prince (Arung Pattola, B.) and as the young lord (Arzmg .\Jalolo, B.) of the kingdom of Bone (ANRI UP Roll 16 No.II :38). This event took place in his grandfather's palace and was witnessed by three high-ranking Bone nobles: the Tomarilalang MaIolo Hasanuddin, the Maqkedangtana


and the Arung Ponre

Muhammad Ramallang. On that occasion, the Arung Pome Muhammad RamaUang, who was Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's maternal uncle, was officially appointed as his guardian. In one of the Bugis sources, it is explained that apart from the familial relationship, Arung Pome was favoured by the old king as he (Arung Pome) had always been faithful to the deceased king 4 (ANRI UP Roll 16 No.II :38). Two Dutch interpreters, Mr. Josias Raket and Mr. Jan Hendrik Voll, were also present on behalf of the Governor during this official appointment (ANRI Mak.144b/8:5 th October 1772).


The ancestry of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh

The pressing need, due to the king's advancing age, to appoint an heir to the throne of Bone was reported in both Bugis and Dutch sources (ANRI UP Roll 16 No.II :38; ANRI Mak.144b/8). In a declaration to the people of Bone, Sultan Abdul Razak justified

the choice of his grandson, Ahmad as-Salleh, as Crown Prince on the grounds that he had the 'purest' degree of noble blood (eppo riatena Arumpone, B.). Elsewhere, the old king expressed his hope that the appointment of his grandson as heir to the throne would engender the unification of the thrones of Bone and of Gowa (AlVRl UP Roll 16 No.1 1:38; ANRI Mak.144b/8). The old king's preference was motivated in part by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's genealogy: Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's mother, We Hamidah, was Sultan Abdul Razak's daughter whilst Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's father. La Mappapening Towappaimeng, was the grandson of the ruler of Gowa, and was subsequently the nineteenth ruler of Bone (ANRI UP Roll 16 No.II :38; AArRl Mak.J44b/8) (Appendix A). Hence, Ahmad as-Salleh's genealogical relationship to the

ruling family of Gowa was an important consideration in Sultan Abdul Razak's choice of him as heir to the throne of Bone.

~ The oftice of Tomari!alang and Maqkedangtana wae among the high ranking ofticials in the administration structure of the kingdom of Bone. For more infonnation. see (Chapter 6.1.1). 4 T he Arllng Ponre. although favoured by the old king. was a weak person. and had little influence over members of the Bone court (Abdul Razak et a1.1989:217).


Mattulada (1998:303) reports that Sultan Abdul Razak had many children from his marriages to several women of noble and common birth. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s mother, We Hamidah Arung Timurung, was Sultan Abdul Razak's daughter from his marriage to Siti Habibah, a woman of high nobility from the court of Gowa. 5 The old king, Sultan Abdul Razak, gave We Hamidah in marriage to La Mappapenning Towappaimeng, the Ponggawa 6 of Bone, who was the son of La Masallomo. 7 La Massallomo was the son of the twentieth Karaeng of Gowa (r.1709- 1711). Sultan Ismail La Pareppa To'Sappewali, who was also the nineteenth ruler of Bone (r.17181721 ). Sultan Ismail La Pareppa To'Sappewalie, the nineteenth Arumpone and Sultan Abdul Razak, the twenty-second Arumpone, were both sons of La Patau, the sixteenth Arumpone, by different mothers. The marriage of We Hamidah to La Mappapening


a diplomatic marriage aimed at encouraging and strengthening the bond between the grandchildren of La Patau. 8 We Hamidah bore La Mappapening four children. of whom Ahmad as-Salleh was the only son (ANRl UP Roll 13.No.15:87; ANRl UP Roll 79b:23) (Appendix B). Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh married his maternal COUSIn, We Padauleng, on 3rd November 1774. The marriage, which had been planned by his grandfather. was arranged with the aim of furthering the unity between the ruling families of Gowa and Bone: ""I will marry La Tenritappu [Ahmad as-Salleh] to his cousin. [We Padauleng] 9, because I believe they will be able to remind each other [of the two kingdoms]." (ANRl UP Roll 16. No.ll:38) We Tenripada bore Ahmad as-Salleh seventeen children, of whom ele\'en were boys. In one of the Bugis sources, (ANRl UP Roll 2 No.7:27), it mentions that four children died while they were still small. Fourteen names are found in DAS, as follows: ) Mattulada (1998:303) says that Sultan Abdul Razak had eighty children from numerous marriages, From those marriages, he made Siti Habibah and Siti Aishah, the grand-daughters of the famous Islamic scholar in South Sulawesi, Syeikh Yusuf, his Queens. Syeikh Yusuf married a woman of high nobility from the court of Gowa. He, who was also known as Tuanta Salamaka, was exiled in the late sc\'enteenth century to Ceylon; later he was sent to South Africa and died there in a rebellion against the Dutch. Possibly Bone's diplomatic ties with the court of Gowa was prolonged and strengthened through the marriage of We Hamidah to La Mappapening, besides the marriage of the sixteenth ...1.nmlpone. La Patau. to Maria KarQl?ng Pattukangan, the daughter of Sultan Abdul Jalil. Karaeng of Gowa.. 6 Ponggawa is a title of the Chief Commander. 7 From the genealogical lineage, La Mappapenning Towappaimeng \\'as \\'e Hamidah's nephew. the son of her first cousin, La Massallomo. S Inter-marriage was a common strategy used by the nobles and rulers in the South Sulawesi kingdoms to create strategic liaisons, "politik kawin mawin" (ld.). Diplomatic marriages. according to Mattulada (I
1. Siti Fatimah @ Batara Tungkeq (Arung Timurung) 2. Siti Salimah @ We Maniratu (Arung Data, the 25 th Arumpone, 1823-1838) th 3. Muhammad Ismail @ La Mappatunruq (Arung Palakka, the 24 Arumpone. 1812-1823) th 4. Muhammad Yusof @ La Mappaselling (Arung Panynyiliq, the 26 Arumponc. 1835-1845) 5. Muhammad Abdul Karim @ La Tenribali (Arung Ta) 6. Abdul Muhammad @ La Pawawoi (Arung Sumaling) 7. Muhammad Baqiy @ La Tenrisukki (Arung Kajuwara) 8. Siti Mariam @ Makkalaruwe (Arung Palengoreng) 9. Siti Aishah @ I Mamuncaragi (Arung Malaka) 10. Muhammad Amirullah (deceased at the age of two years old) 11. Muhammad Sulaiman @ La Mappangewa (Arung Lompu) 12. Muhammad Abdul Rahman @ La Paremmarukka (Arung Karella) 13. Muhammad Salleh 14. Abdul Salam (stillborn) Another child of Ahmad as-Salleh, named as Patuppubattu Arung Bakkabala, was born in 1796. This information is found in a different Bugis source, DoM (f.46v). A Dutch source, the ANRI Mak.354/6 in '"'"Geslachtslijst der Bonieren Soppengers en Tanetterezen", states that Patuppubattu was not the Arung Bakkabala, but instead was

given the title of Arung Tonra. 10 Of the thirteen surviving children of this couple, three of the children succeeded to the throne of Bone.

4.1.2 The election of Ahmad as-Salleh as the twenty-third Arumpone th

Ahmad as-Salleh records his own appointment to the throne of Bone on 5 June 1775, the same day on which the old king died: 5th June 1775: ""The king passed away and was posthumously named 'Matinroe ri Mallimongang' (He who lies at Mallimongang, B.). Yarji u' ila rahmatiLlah. I was appointed with the confirmation of the people of Bone as the legitimate ruler [of Bone] as the [deceased] king wished. [And] I reside in the palace [of the late king]." (DAS:f.8r) A day earlier, the Dagregister of 4th June records that Governor Van der Voort had been informed by his junior interpreter, Mr. Blij, that the old king was dying. Mr. Blij

There are some discrepancies in accounts of the numbers of children that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had. For more infonnation. see also ANRl UP Roll ~ (No.4:55): see also ANRI UP Roll ~ (No.7:~7); see also AXRI UP (Roll 79:~J), A.\'RI UP Roll 13 (No.15:87) says that \Ve Tenripada bore seventeen children and that six passed away when they were still small; see also A.\'RI UP Roll 13 (No.15:87. 91) in "Asal Alula kc!urunan Jla!inroe ri Rompegading (The origin of.Hatinro£; ri Rompegading"s descendants) ", 10

'-.., ", reported that in his last conscious hours, the king had reminded those people who were present, the Karaeng Gowa and Talloq, the assembled nobles of Bone, his children and grandchildren, that his grandson, Ahmad as-Salleh, had been named as his successor. The Dagregister records the dying king's wish: "That it was his will and desire that his grandson Latanri Tappoe or Aroe Timoerong would succeed him; having already been named as such, which he had also recommended to his other children and grandchildren." (ANRl Mak.404/4: 4th June 1775) Blok (1817:38-9) also reports on the election of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh as Arumpone. He says that as soon as the king was pronounced dead in the early morning th

of 5 June, the nobles of the court of Bone immediately elected Ahmad as-Salleh as the new ruler of Bone. This event took place in the presence of the deceased, in the room where he was laid out (Blok 181 7:38-9).11 According to the terms of the Treaty of Bongaya, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's elevation to the throne of Bone had to be approved by the Dutch Governor. The procedure of getting approval from the Company, whether for a renewal of contracts or elevation to the throne, either in Bone or in any of the allied states, always took place at Fort Rotterdam (Roessingh 1986: 153; Andaya 1981 :299; Andaya 1978:290). Hence, the elected Arumpone had to undergo two forms of recognition: that of the court of Bone. and that of the Governor, whose recognition of him depended upon endorsement from the Governor General and the Raad van Indie (Council of the India Government) In Batavia. Two weeks after beginning his diary, on 11 th January, Crown Prince Ahmad asSalleh records that he accompanied a delegation from Bone to Fort Rotterdam in It was imperative for the appointed successor to be present during the burial ceremony. In South Sulawesi, in the late seventeenth century, after the death of Arung Palakka Malampeq-e Gemmeqna (the fifteenth ruler of Bone). the Bugis adeq was tested. Since (Bugis) custom dictated that a deceased ruler could not be removed from his residence until his successor was chosen. Arung Palaka's nephew. La Patau. was immediately elected by the Seven Lords, Adeq Pitu or Aruppitu, who sat in the Bone Advisory Council (Andaya 1981 :296). The importance of having the new ruler appointed before the deceased was rd buried was also demonstrated when Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh died on 23 July 1812: "The official report was brought to me about ten o' clock on the night of the 23 rd instant [July 1812] by the Minister (the Tomalalong) [sic:Tomarilalang] that His Highness has expired rather suddenly at 9.00 [p.m.]. But I understand privately that he really died sitting up at 2.00 [p.m.] that it was hushed up for the moment and the corpse kept in that position until 9.00 [p.m.] when the succession had been detennined on. I was infonned His Highness's body was without breath and that Arung Palakka. his eldest son had been chosen to succeed him according to the fom1s of the country." (AVRJ Alak. 265 '::25 th July 1812) 11


Makassar, the residence of the VOC Governor in South Sulawesi, to conyey the old king's New Year greetings. The Governor received the delegation wannly and. during the meeting, Ahmad as-Salleh, on behalf of the delegation, presented the Goyernor with a slave (DAS:f.5v). From the Dagregister's report on the same day, it appears that the Governor \\'as less than impressed with the Crown Prince: "I have tried to converse with the young king but without any success, as he seems to have little or no ability to talk on any matters of importance." (ANRJ Mak.404/4:11 th January 1775) As Ahmad as-Salleh' s meeting with the Governor was his first official assignment. the Governor's assessment of him as inexperienced may be fair. Conversely, perhaps Ahmad as-Salleh simply did not wish to express any opinions of his own on his first encounter with the Governor. On 14th June, nine days after the death of the old king and for the second time since the New Year, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh came to Fort Rotterdam to meet the Governor. He was accompanied by the Tomarilalang and other principal nobles of Bone ANRJ Mak.404/4:14



June 1775). Their purpose was to ask the Governor to recognise

that he, Ahmad as-Salleh, had been chosen as the new Arumpone. A further reason for their visit was to remind the Company of its responsibility to maintain him in office, should resentment surface after the death of the old king: 14th June 1775: "In accordance with custom, we, the delegation of Bone. went to the fort [...] the [spokesman of] Bone delegation said: Sir, we, the people of Bone come to you because your brother [the old king] has left us. It was his dYing wish that we inform you of his chosen successor and we promised to fulfil his wish. Our deceased king said that if whosoever should endanger his wish, it is to the Company that we must tum for protection, and in whom we place our hope of ensuring his will is done.'(DAS:f.8r) 12

In response to the Tomarilalang's speech, the Governor responded that the Company also hoped to see the deceased king's intention fulfilled and gave assurance that he would protect Ahmad as-Salleh against any resentment. The Goyernor then stressed the

\\'ith regard to the new lOng's claim for protection: three years earlier, in 1772. at the election of Ahmad as-Salleh as the Anmg Patio/a. the interpreters representing the Company. \1r, Voll and \1r. Raket. had \'owed to take suitable measures to help keep the peace and to promote the kingdom of Bone'" wellbeing. It was a renewal of this promise that Anlmpone and the delegation from Bon0 sl)ught (ASRI .\fak./.f4h s: )th October 1772). 12

importance of maintaining a good relationship between Bone and the Company, their strong alliance serving to dissuade any adversary: "And that is also our [Company's] wish. Should there be a group wishing to break his [the old king's] will, there will be no opportunities to do so, if the people of Bone and the Company are united." (DAS:f.8r) Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh tells us that the final agendum in the meeting \\'as the renewing of pledges between Bone and the Company, which were sealed with the presentation of a female slave to the Governor. The Tomarilalang, who was acting as the spokesman for Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's delegation, clarified that the gift of a female slave was symbolic of the unity between Bone and the Company, which the new Arumpone sought to maintain: "[We] also have a female slave to offer to the Governor, through whom we hope the relationship between the ruler [of Bone] and his generations with the [Dutch] Company, will be prolonged. The kingdom of Bone and the Company are thus sealed in friendship." (DAS:f.8r) It is likely that the visit of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh to the Governor at Fort

Rotterdam, described above, was little more than a formality. An analogous situation had occurred more than seven decades previously in the 1699 election of La Patau, the sixteenth Arumpone. When a Bone delegation of six went to inform the Governor of the newly elected ruler, the Governor acknowledged the announcement and told the delegation that he would inform Batavia so that approval could be granted. To this, he was answered tersely by the Bone delegation: "We had not come to consult about the matter of the election, but merely to inform you of it." (Andaya 1981 :299) On 1i


November 1775, five months after his last meeting with the Governor, Sultan

Ahmad as-Salleh tells us that he went again to see the Governor, to inform him of his plan to travel to Bone. Why only now did he want to go to Bone, having occupied the throne of Bone for more than five months? Why did he wish to go there when his wife, We Padauleng had given birth to their first child, Batara Tungkeq, less than three \\'Ccks earlier? The answer seems to be that when he started to write his diary, he was living in Gowa, where he accompanied the old king on the latter's royal visits and attended other official and family ceremonies. He also attended to the king when he was sick and stayed by his side until the old king's last breath.


4.1.3 The 100 days of mourning When the old king passed away, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh and other members of the court of Bone had to mourn for one hundred days, as was customary on the death of a ruler, and to carry out the appropriate funeral and memorial services. There are h\'elye entries in his diary with regard to memorial services performed by him and his nobles: he reports that memorial services were held on the 3rd ,




lOth, 20th and then e\'ery tenth

consecutive day until the 100th day (DAS:fols 8r-9v). Throughout the mourning period, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's activities were largely confined within the palace. Meetings with the nobles of Bone, of allied states or the Company's representatives, were held within the palace walls. His first challenge as Arumpone was the problem of Sidenreng and Suppaq, two northern Bugis kingdoms.

which were on the verge of war, the former planning to attack the latter, which was an ally of Bone. On 20 th June 1775 the Arumpone sent his messengers, La Udung and Daeng Silasa, to Sidenreng to seek to resolve the problem by advising the Addatuang l3 Sidenreng against pursuing his plan to attack Suppaq (DAS:f.8r). 14 Seven days later, on 28 th June, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh wrote that Governor Van der Voort had sent his representatives, the fiscal officer and the harbourmaster, to seek an audience with him in order to demand the return of the islands of Kalauq. Bonerate, Laiya and Kalubi. The Dagregister's entry for the same date reports that the Governor sent a committee, including Mr. Raket and Mr. Voll, to the court of Bone to demand the four islands, as well as land and paddy fields belonging to the Company. In addition, they had come to demand payment of the state debt, and the return of one hundred and thirty-three guns and a flag of some sort which had previously been given to the deceased king, who was also the Datu of Soppeng (ANRl Mak.404/4:28 th June 1775). In his memoir written in 1790, the ex-Governor of Makassar, Barend Reijke, says that the deceased king of Bone, Sultan Abdul Razak, had been using the income from the islands, as well as some paddy fields in the northern province of Maros, which were on loan from the Company. In his report, Reijke comments:

The Addatuang, from the word Datu, is a title for the ruler of Sidenreng. '4 One and a half months later, on 3rd August 1775, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary's reports that another meeting was held, this time with the involvement of the Company. On 17 th August. t\\'O weeks after the peace talks were held with Addatuang Sidenreng, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh informs us of the return of both Bone's and the Company's representati\'es (DAS:f.9r), Although he does not pro\'ide further information as to \\'hether or not his mission (and that of the Company) was a success. no ne\\'s concerning the outbreak of war was announced until in the 1790s, when Bone also took part in the war against Sidenrcng. For further information on the Bone war against Sidenreng. see Do,\! for the year 1996 until 1998. I)

"Each time, when a king [of Bone] dies, [and when] a new one is elected, we [the Company] have to remind them [Bone], or else they will come to think that it is their land." (ANRI Mak.169:f.10)15 rd

On 23 June 1775, the Dagregister records that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh sent a party of his nobles, led by the Tomarilalang, to see the Governor. During the meeting. the Tomarilalang conveyed to the Governor Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's desire to retain the

privilege of using this island. Despite this, the Governor insisted that the Company's lands be returned, since they had been lent to the deceased king of Bone and \\"ere left untaxed as a favour from the Company. The Governor suggested that if the Arllmpol1c and his nobles insisted on retaining them, they should forward their appeal to the Governor General and the Raad van Indie in Batavia (ANRI Mak.404/4: 23 rd June 1775). Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh evidently showed a strong desire to retain possession of the islands and lands from which his late grandfather had previously benefited, as he sent a party of his nobles for a further meeting with the Governor on 25 th June. At the meeting. the envoys returned the flag,16 and announced the king's decision not to hand over the islands Bonerate and Kalauq. They argued that those two islands were given by the deceased Queen of Bone, Batari Toja Sultanah Zainab (r.1724 -1749) to her brother, the late king Sultan Abdul Razak, on the condition that the islands should remain attached to the Crown of Bone. Since those two islands were inherited from his grandfather, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was reluctant to return them. However, the Bone envoys told the Governor that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh agreed to return the other two islands, Kalambi and Laiya, as well as the fields on eighteen other settlements, which they would specify to the Governor as soon as the mourning period was over. As for the guns, the envoys said that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh wished to keep them for the reason of self-protection and to maintain peace in the area (ANRI Mak.404/4:25 th June 1775).17 Eight days later. In January 1757, the Governor of Makassar. Mr. Sinkelaar, had allowed the king of Bone, Sultan Abdul Razak, continued usage of the fishery on Pangempang for as long as he lived or until further notice was given. The permission was agreed as a compensation for the return to the Company of the island of Kalambi. However, the reports say of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh that he not only continued to use this facility but even believed that the fishery belonged to him. For more information, see ".\lemorandum \'(111 Re(jke" (ANRI Mak.169). 16 The flag was given to the deceased king of Bone, Sultan Abdul Razak, who was also the Datu of Soppeng. The Governor had promised that when the time came, the flag would be passed to the next Datu [ofSoppeng] who was Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's brother-in-law. 17 These guns could possibly be debts as a result of the Peneki War that occurred in the late 1740s between Bone and Wajoq. In one of the Addenda for the year 1778 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had made notes on Bone's debts towards the Company, as follows: "This is the Committee's [Company] speech on the debt of Bone towards the Company, balance 718 real: eleven small money. twenty gun:, taken by the ;\laqkedangtana. forty guns taken by [the late Arumpom>] .\/atinroe ri Tippulue and seventy-six guns taken by [the old king, Sultan Abdul Razak] Afarinroe ri t\tallimongang. making the total of one hundred and thirty-:,ix gWlS." (DAS:f.33r) 15

58 th

on 4 July, he reports that he again sent a delegation to see the Governor with regard to his request (DAS:f.8v).18 Three days after the Bone representatives held their meeting with the Goyemor. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh informs us that he has appointed his father-in-law and maternal uncle, Arung Ponre, Muhammad Ramallang as the Maqdanrang (or Paqdanrang)19 of Bone (DAS:f.8v). Since Arung Ponre was also Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s former guardian, his appointment as the Maqdanrang could be construed as a reward from his son-in-law. At the same time, the appointment was probably a part of Sultan Ahmad asSalleh's political stratagem of having around him a group of people whom he could trust in helping him to govern the kingdom. During the mourning period, most of his activities took place within the palace precincts, and only on four occasions does his diary report duties away from the palace. The first of these was when he went to visit the old king's grave on 7th June, a couple of days after the funeral, as was customary, to offer prayers for the deceased king. This was followed a week later, on 14th June, by his meeting with the Governor at Fort Rotterdam on the matter of his elevation as Arumpone (DAS:f.8r). The third visit was to Puang La Sule, whose wife had given birth to a daughter on 1i


July. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh

reports that he went to visit him and took Puang La Sule's wife a slave as a present

(DAS:f.8v). Although he does not mention any relationship to Puang La Sule, he probably had a close family relationship with him, because this visit was evidently a mark of special favour, and is inconsistent with his behaviour on other occasions. In his earlier reports, on 3rd July, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentioned that his grandmother, Mukmina, passed away (DAS:f.8v). Five days later, on 8th July, he reports that Arung Meru's house caught fire; on 22 nd July, he reports that Karaeng Pattukangang's wife had given birth to a daughter, and on


August that Karaeng Balakeri had given birth to a

daughter (DAS:f.9r). Although Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh informs us that his wife, We Padauleng, went to visit Karaeng Balakeri and presented her with four reals, on none of these occasions does he report that he himself visited the persons concerned. Puang La Sule therefore seems to have been especially favoured. The fourth time Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh left the palace was almost two months later, when he paid a second visit to the

Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh does not provide much infonnation on the result of his request to retain the islands Bonerate and Kalauq. I was unable to locate the infonnation from the Dagregister for 4 th July 1775: however, the Dagregister on ~Olh September 1775 reports that the Governor told the delegates from Bone that, with regard to the return of the islands. the residents were to be allowed to stay and to keep their belongings. and to continue to be protected by the Company whose authority they were now under (ANRI .\fakAO-l/-I:20th September 1775). 19 Mattulada (1998:304) states that .\faqdanrang or Paqdanrang abo means "pedamping" (ld.). consort or advislJf. IS


deceased king's grave on 11 th September, two days before the end of the mourning period. During this visit he erected a tombstone at the old king's grave (DAS:f.9\) It was also during the mourning period that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentions receiving contributory gifts, passoloq (B.). These contributions came from his family' members, the Bone nobles and ally states, as well as from the Company, as expressions of condolence on the death of the late king. He records that the passoloq that he recei\'ed was mostly in the form of money, ranging from as much as two hundred n!als to a fe\\' tail and suku.2° In addition to money, a few pieces of white cloth, 1\'idang (B.), \\'ere

among the gifts that he received from some Bugis nobles from ally states. He also noted the gifts that the Company sent, through their representatives Mr. Raket and Mr. Voll: 6th June 1775: "The Committee came and brought six topegajang 21 , two mugs, two glasses, two [bottles of] rosewater, a bottle of snuff and three packets of spices." (DAS:f.8r) th

On 13 September, the last day of the mourning period, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh tells us that he donated eighty-seven real and gave a feast to a group of religious students, santari (B.). Later on the same day, he notes in his diary a long list of nobles of Bone

and of the allied states who had received presents or contributions from him (DAS:f9v). Another feast for the nobles of Bone and her allied states took place two days later, on th

15 September. It was only after the end of the mourning period that Sultan Ahmad asSalleh started to carry out other duties. The earliest was on 17th September when he went to visit I Kabara, who had been bitten on the nose by a horse, and presented him with a slave (DAS:f.9v). Throughout the mourning period, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary records a routine of receiving audiences from the nobles and accepting passoloq. Only when the official period of mourning ended would he be free to go back to Bone to be seen by his subjects, as custom dictated for a new Arumpone. On 20 th September, before proceeding inland to Bone, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh went to see the Governor, who had requested an audience (DAS:f.9v). This time, he went with a large number of his nobles. The Dagregister reports the Governor's hesitancy, on seeing a large number of people, to

engage in discussion with the Arumpone alone in a separate room as he had previously intended, for fear of his house and furniture being ruined by the Arumpone's Inany followers (ANRJ Mak.404/4:20 th September 1775).

These are some of the names for the currency used in South Sulawesi, For more information. see 1 ~lble 5.8 in Chapter Fin', 21 TOpt; is a kind of cloth while topegajang is a long \'t'il used to attach the kris It) the waist. 20


On 4


November, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh infonns us that the nobles of Bone

assembled again to record the deceased king's wealth which. the diary says. consisted mostly of the old king's collection of clothes, including: "[ ...] four pairs of buttons, two pairs of baju sossoq22 inclusiye of a set of silver accessories. In addition, there are eleven more buttons, there are three tai [...]. There are eleven men' s shirts with front cutting design, four long pants, four chintz kemben l3 , two veils, three black tapong 24 , two tapong made of silk, one tapong made of kalangkari25 , one tapong with chequered motif. [anotherJ nine baju sossoq, four handkerchiefs, three flags, two sabageq 6 paintings, one baju jeppo27, two sarong with chequered motif[ ...]." (DAS:f.l0v) During the gathering, the nobles of Bone would possibly also have discussed their plan to bring Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh back to Bone as soon as possible. Two days later, on 6th November, the Maqdanrang and Tomarilalang MaIolo, together with a few other nobles from Bone, were assigned as Bone's delegates to see the Governor to infonn him of their decision, and to seek the Governor's approval for this action (DAS:f.l0v). The Governor disagreed with their decision and pointed out that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh should not be brought back to Bone before he received recognition from the Governor General and the Raad van Indie (Council of India). Advising them to postpone the plan until they had received a reply from Batavia, the Governor added that he required the presence of the Arumpone and the nobles of Bone close to the castle in order to be able to consult them (DAS:f. l0v). The Governor asked the delegates whether the inland kingdoms could not be infonned of the new king's succession by a number of nobles, who could promise that the king would visit them in person as soon as possible. Further, the Governor argued that it was his responsibility as the first ally (bondgenoot, D.), to ensure Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's personal safety. If Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh left for Bone before the nobles were infonned of his recognition as Arumpone by the Dutch Company's administration in Batavia, there would in all likelihood be unforeseen consequences. Realising that the delegation of Bone insisted on carrYing out their plan. the Governor finally acquiesced by saYing that he could not be held responsible should anything happen to the Arumpone. Eleven days later, on 1i


November, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh records that he went to

see the Governor for the fourth time that year. This meeting resulted from the discussion Baju sossoq is a kind of robe Uubah, Ar.) worn by men. 23 Kemben is a kind of belt made of cloth. 24 Tapong is a kind of trousers which fall just below knee length. 25 Ka/angkari. from the word 'ka/am' which means pen. is a kind of double-knotted Indian cloth. 2<> Sllbagt'q is a kind of painting. 27 Baju jeppo is a kind of shirt with buttons usually worn by a man of noble birth. 22


that the Maqdanrang and the Tomarilalang MaIolo had held with the Governor earlier, th

on 6 November. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh voiced his concern to the Governor regarding the necessity for him to go back to Bone: "1189 Hijriyah, 23 rd Ramadhan, on Friday, I went to see my brother [the Governor] regarding the intention of the delegation from Bone to bring me back to my country. I feel unable to refuse their request and if I do not follow [their desire], I [will] have contravened two important customs of Bone. Firstly, I may not become the ruler of Bone if the nobles refuse to follow the will of the deceased king, and secondly if I fail to tum up [in Bone] I may make my subjects dejected." (DAS:f. 1Ov)

The Dagregister of 17th November also reports that during this meeting, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh and his nobles had appealed for the Governor's help to bring back to Gowa the ex-Batara Gowa, Amas Madina, who had been exiled in Ceylon by the Company. 28 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentions it was Arung Palakka's


desire that he

put this request before the Governor. After various trivial conversations, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh and the nobles of Bone told the Governor that his party would be taking leave in ten to twelve days (ANRl MakA04/4, 1i


November 1775: 122-124~ DAS:f.l Ov). That

afternoon, the Tomarilalang Maiolo sent La Pasere, the interpreter of Bone, to ask for the Governor's permission to borrow some trading ships to transport the Arumpone and his party back to Bone. The Governor granted their request on condition that the Tomarilalang Maiolo told him in advance which vessels he wanted to borrow. However.

the Dagregister (ANRl MakA04/4) states on 18 th November that the Governor received a report from a messenger of Buton saying that the Tomarilalang Maiolo had commandeered one of his ships without giving notice. Before the Governor sent Mr. Blij to investigate the report, another message arrived from Buton informing him that the Tomarilalang had taken another eight ships and had had the rudders taken off thenl to

make it easier for the Bugis to keep watch on the commandeered ships (ANRJ MakA04/4: 18 th November 1775).

The Governor was unhappy with the Tomarilalang's conduct and through his messenger ordered him to return at least five ships to their owners, once again reminding the Tomarilalang not to take action without the Governor's knowledge. The next day the See my discussion in Section 4.~, 29 A rung Palakka. the Dowager Queen. was a descendant (grand daughter) of La Patau. the sixteenth ruler of Bone. She was the daughter of the eighteenth ruler of Bone and subsequently the t\\'entieth ruler of Gowa. Sultan Ismail La Pareppa To' Sapewali, Arung Palakka was married to Karaeng limpangan. the king (,f Talloq and bore him several children. of whom La Mappababasa was one. The latter \\'as the father of Batara Gowa (Amas Madina alias Usman). La r-.tappababasa died after being poisoned in 1'""'54 (Abdul Razak 1993:77~ Tideman 1908:353; Roessingh 1986: 155-156). 2S


Tomari/alang Maiolo responded to the Governor's warnIng, saying that he was not aware that his conduct had violated the law, since all the ships that he had taken were merchant vessels (ANRI Mak.404/4: 19th November 1775). Two days later. on the afternoon of 21 st November, the Governor received a visit from the Maqdanrang and the

Tomari/alang Maiolo, requesting an audience for the Arumpone so that he could bid the Governor farewell; this the Governor granted. The Maqdanrang and the Tomarilalang

Maiolo also reported to the Governor that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had appointed Muhammad, Arung Lalatedung, one of the deceased king's many sons, as the new

Sulewatang of Bontoalaq, in Ujung Pandang. 3o At the same time, the nobles asked the Governor to keep the Arumpone informed of any important developments in Makasar. which the Governor promised to do. Two weeks later, on 2


December, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh went to see the

Governor at PaSSel to bid him farewell. About midday, accompanied by his family and other nobles of Bone, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh set off from Ujung Tanah to Bone. The journey to Bone took about two weeks. En route, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh stopped at several places for a few nights. On 6th December, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's fleet arrived at Dennuang, where he stopped for three days, and he records that he accompanied his wife, We Padauleng, for a stroll by the estuary at Dennuang (DAS:f.ll r). The next day, the Arumpone records, Arung Bulukumba came to visit him, bringing a buffalo and some rice as a present,32 On 8th December, he records that he and his party had an enjoyable time bathing and picnicking near the river of Dennuang. The party continued their journey and on the next day arrived at Tiro, where Arumpone went to visit the grave of Datu ri Tiro and offered some prayers. 33 Three days later the Arumpone arrived at Balunruq, where he stopped for two days, and Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh tells us th

that he took his wife to look for bombang (B.), a kind of shellfish. On 15 December he and his entourage set off again, arriving at Meru, where the people gave him a feast, a buffalo and some rice. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh arrived in Bone two days later, on 17


December (DAS:f.ll r). Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's arrival in Watampone was greeted by the nobles and people of Bone who paid their respects to his wife, We Padauleng, in the traditional The office Sulhvatang (regent) had the duty to assist Arumpone in governing the region. Bontoalaq was a region situated in Ujung Pandang at Makassar. but was under Bone's administration. o~1 I assume that Passi was located near Talloq, based upon infonnation from Abdul Razak (1993:75) who statL'S that the twenty-frrst and twenty-third ruler of Gowa, Sultan Sirajuddin, died at Talloq and \\'as rosthumously known as Tumenanga ri Passi (Mak.), "He who lies at Passi". ~ The tradition of presenting a buffalo and rice signifies the acceptance of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh as .·Irumpon« q Datu ri Tiro was one of the Muslim scholars who was responsible for the Islamisation of Snuth Sulawesi in the early seventeenth century (Noorduyn 197~b). For further infonnation on the Islamisation of South Sulawesi see Pelras (1985:107-131). 30



manner by giving her apaota 34 (B.), a betel leaf, as a sign of welcome, a slaYe and some money. The next day, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh records that he went to Bukaka to \"isit the grave of his ancestors and to offer prayers. On 22 nd December he conducted a memorial service for the 200th day after the deceased king's death. This is the last diary entry for that year (DAS:f.11r).

4.1.4 The early months of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh as Arumpone Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh spent his initial weeks in Bone dealing with matters of the kingdom's administration. On 6th January 1776 he appointed his wife, We Padauleng, as Arung Cina. 35 Six days later, on

1ih January, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh reports on the

renewal of treaties with the nobles of Bone Tengnga, Lalebbata and Ajangngaleq. During the renewal of treaties, he reminded his nobles and deputy regents of the kingdoms of their responsibilities towards him: "On 1ih January or on 20 th Zulhijjah, on Monday, I chaired the meeting between the nobles and the [assistant to] deputy regents Uennang, B.] of Bone Tengngae and Lalebbata. This was my speech: 'I have gathered all of you here, to ask if you could still recall your agreement; namely to serve Bone and to be together with Bone in prosperity and adversity.' The nobles of Bone Tengngae replied: 'Our memory is still strong. If Bone sinks, we too will sink and if Bone rises, we will rise too. We still remember that if Bone suffers, we will endure the burden and if Bone dies we will face the blame' . The same speech I delivered to the nobles of Ajangngaleq. The nobles of Ajangngaleq replied: 'Our memory firmly stands and we will not forget [the agreement] that, if Bone calls on us we will come and if Bone gives an order, we will fulfil our task dutifully. Even if Bone were to have only a strip of land, we would still obey Bone'. " (DAS:f.12v)

The next day, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh informs us that all the nobles of Lili ri Lau


had been called to attend an audience with him. During the assembly, he con\'cyed the same message to the nobles of LUi ri Lau as he had given to the other paliliq (8.) or vassals of Bone the previous day. These meetings, which Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh

Paola (B.) is betel leaf which has added to it some lime, gambier and areca nut. \Vhen chewed. it is a mild narcotic, and turns the saliva red. ~5 Cina is a small principality in the peninsular south-eastern part of Bone. ~6 Lili ri Lau deriyes from the Bugis word paliliq, 'something around a centre' (Caldwell and Druce 199R: 1) and ri lau means at the east (of Bone)" Therefore Lili ri Lau are tributaries and domains located at the east of Bone. q


conducted, were his first public discourse to his inland nobles since he \\"as elected as Arumpone. Such meetings were crucial for his political career, in that they served to

maintain the support and loyalty of his nobles and to ensure the good governance and stability of his kingdom. He explains that the reason for the meeting was to remind the nobles of Bone's paliliq of their duty; in particular, to stay united with Bone and to yalue the efforts made by previous rulers which had enabled them to live in the spirit of brotherhood. In addition, he reports that he wanted his paliliq to show courage, and to be suspicious of any plans intended to divide them. He also urged the nobles of Bone to abide by the customary laws and to engage in mutual co-operation (DAS: 12v). Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh does not only report on his political responsibilities; as head of state, he also had numerous social obligations and customary ceremonies to attend. On 3rd April 1776 he reports that the ceremony for the cleansing of the Bone regalia has begun, the first such ritual cleansing since his installation as Arumpone (DAS:f 14r). Significantly, only the ruler could initiate the ritual of cleansing the regalia, although the act of cleansing itself was entrusted to some special officials, the bissu (B.). 37 Errington (1983), commenting on the regalia, arajang (B.) or gaukang (Mak.), states that the enduring presence of the regalia was believed to have the power of protecting the realm. The rulers, as it was believed by the Bugis and the Makasars, had a vital role in ensuring the safety of the regalia, because the absence of the regalia had serious implications with regard to their subjects' loyalty (Errington 1983:232), in that political loyalty was strengthened or weakened by the presence or absence of the regalia. This can be observed from the events surrounding the uprising of I Sangkilang, which led to the demise of Gowa and its acquisition by the Dutch, which will be discussed shortly. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh reports that the cleansing ceremony for the Bone regalia started with the golden umbrella, 38 pajumpulaweng (B.), being taken from the special room in which it was kept into a special square, alun-alun (Id.), within the palace walls. For three consecutive nights, the umbrella remained outside and under guard. On the last day of the ceremony, the Tomarilalang together with Arung Majang and Arung Tanete The cleansing of the state regalia was usually performed by the bissu. The bissu, according to ~Iatthes ( 1872b) were a sort of heathen priest or priestesses. Besides their main role as keepers of the state regalia. they had a significant role, for example. in furnishing remedies in cases of illnesses (Claire 1939:27). For further information on the role of the bissu. see Matthes (1872b:I-50: 1884:8-12); Hamonic (1975:121134). 38 The regalia of Bone consisted of: the royal crown, Teddurnpu/aweng: a kris (dagger). La/(;a Riduni: the royal standard, Sarnparaja; and also the umbrella, Pajurnpu/aweng. However. the latter was originally part of the regalia of Luwu. In the Bone - Lu\\uq war during the reign of the fifth king of Bone. La Tcnrisukki (1490 - 1517), Luwuq was defeated and the royal umbrella was seized. This \\'as incorporated into the Bone regalia as a commemoration of when the first ruler of Bone. .\/anurung ri .\/awjang (± 1350-1366) 'disappeared into thin air', rna/ajang (B.), with his yellow umbrella. In 1860. it was lIsted that there were thirty-five Bone regalia kept by La Singkerru Rukka. the twenty-ninth Arurnponl? (18601871) (AVRI UP Roll 2 No.4:.:! 1). 37


perfonned the swearing of the oath of loyalty, mangngaruq (B.). Then Sultan Ahmad asSalleh cleansed the royal umbrella twice with special water that had been prepared earlier (by the bissu), and the royal umbrella was taken back to the room. Despite being kept occupied with the demands of ritual and other matters of his kingdom' s administration, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh continued his communication with the Go\'ernor th

at Makassar. On 6 April, having heard that the Governor was ill, he sent his messenger. 39

the Gellarrang of Bontoalaq, to ask about the Governor's health and to infon11 the Governor of his arrival at Watampone (DAS:f.14r). A week later, on 13 th April, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh reports that one of his nobles. Arung Pacciro, has passed away in Bone. As a sign of condolence, he donated to the

family of the deceased twenty real and two pieces of white cloth, probably for the shroud, kafan (Ar.), and the next day he reports that he went to bury the deceased. 40 On th

24 May, he marked his first anniversary as Arumpone. However, he does not provide infonnation on the kind of celebration he held, if any; he mentions only his prayers to God (DAS:f.14v). From the first two years of his reign, not much infonnation on the state of affairs of Bone or of South Sulawesi can be acquired from reading Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary. He provides little infonnation apart from reports on his somewhat monotonous daily activities mentioned above. Perhaps there were few events that aroused his interest or that he considered worth writing about, because the political situation in the Bugis and Makasar lands was stable. However, his competency and authority as ruler of a major kingdom in South Sulawesi would be tested six months later, when a challenger to the throne of Gowa appeared.


I Sangkilang: pretender to the throne of Gowa.

In 1767, accused of piracy and of having conspired with the English to undennine the monopoly of the Company, Karaeng Gowa Amas Madina, the twenty-sixth ruler of Gowa (r.1766-67), was imprisoned by the Dutch at Batavia and two years later, at the age of twenty, he was exiled for life in Ceylon. 41 His younger brother. Mallisujawa


Gellarang is the head of a village.

Muslims wrap the body of the deceased with seven layers of white cloth. (Ar,.) kalan. before burial. 41 Batara Gowa Amas Madina abdicated from the throne of Gowa after two years, His short reign was rt?ported to be the result of his personal behaviour and inclinations, and problems with the members of Gowa's court. He absconded from the throne of Gowa and went to BiOla where his mother had reSided since the death of his father. who was said to have died of poison. The Dutch reported that Batara Gowa :\mas Madina was involved in piracy soon after he left the throne of Go\\'a. He was discovered to have a close relationship \\ith one of the English subjects. named Cella Bangkahulu: Satara Gowa Amas \ ladina had spent some time sailing with him to Lombok. To avoid Batara Gowa from posing any further threat tn 40


Daeng Riboko, later known as Arung Mampu, was appointed as king of Go\\'a in his stead. However, Arung Mampu was unhappy with his new position and his continuing failure to get the Dutch to bring his elder brother back, and abdicated. 42 The Go\\'a State Council, the Bate Salapang, chose Karaeng Tamasongo, the great grandfather of Amas Madina and Mallisujawa, as the next ruler of Gowa in 1770. Karaeng Tamasongo reigned unchallenged as the lawful ruler of Gowa for six years until a pretender, I Sangkilang, appeared in November 1776 (Tidemann


Roessingh 1986). Thus

began a new phase in the history of Gowa. Batara Gowa Amas Madina's expulsion had led to discontent amongst members of the court of Gowa, especially Mangjratu Arung Palakka, his grandmother, who was an influential member of royalty. Blok (1817) refers to Arung Palakka as 'the only one who was in every respect entitled to the Bone throne, having the purest blood'. and thus as the highest-ranking noble in South Sulawesi. Her part in the issue of I Sangkilang will be discussed later in this chapter. The decision by the Dutch to exile Batara Gowa had serious implications for the kingdom of Gowa. Had Batara Gowa not been exiled, would I Sangkilang, or anyone else, have appeared and dared so boldly to claim to be the Batara Gowa? Roessingh states that the rebellion of I Sangkilang had cost the Dutch government dearly, since it lasted for sixteen long years. The Dutch government paid a high price, losing a number of men, and the aftermath saw the kingdom of Gowa paYing a still higher price: it was 'economically punished' as a retribution for the cost of war (Roessingh 1986: 164).43 I would dispute Roessingh's statement that I Sangkilang's rebellion lasted sixteen years. The incident was a brief one, and it took the Dutch only around two and half years, from November 1776 until May 1779, to quash I Sangkilang's uprising. Nonetheless, the repercussions of the uprising were far-reaching, and were not finally resolved until 1814. 44

their interest, the Dutch designed a careful plan to capture him. which resulted in his arrest and later exile (Tidemann 1908:353-5; Abdul Razak 1993:78). 4~ Arung Mampu had appealed to the Governor of Makassar several times to bring his elder brother. Batara Gowa Amas Madina, back to Gowa. His efforts were fruitless, and as a result he too left the throne of Gowa and resided at Barombong (Mattulada 1998:310), ·n Not onlv did Gowa have to pay for the cost of war but it also lost some of its northern territories to the Dutch Company (Abdul Razak 1993:86). 44 The issue of the sudang was only resolved in 1814 when the English troops attacked Animpone La f\tappatunru at Makassar. The sudang was returned to the English who later returned it to the lawful ruler lh ofGowa (ANRJ .'vfak.l65 _':25 July 1812: see BL Board's Collections F 4'557).


4.2.1 I Sangkilang: the persona Crawfurd (1820), Tideman (1908), Friedericy (1933) and later Roessingh (1986) have paid attention to the uprising of 1 Sangkilang. Despite the fact that 1 Sangkilang' s rebellion was sufficiently disruptive to bring about the downfall of the kingdom of Gowa, nevertheless only a scanty picture of 1 Sangkilang can be obtained. Crawfurd (1820), the first to mention 1 Sangkilang, predicted correctly that his birthplace and parentage would never be ascertained. What is certain is that 1 Sangkilang' s claim to be the ruler of Gowa had as both its context and its product the diminution of loyalty among the Makasars, reflecting the weakness of the state of Gowa. In short, I Sangkilang's insurrection succeeded only due to the weakened nature of the indigenous state, whereby a single ruler was unable to command fully the loyalty of his people and his government. Who was 1 Sangkilang? What was the basis of his success? How did he come to be accepted by the inner members of the court of Gowa, despite their knowing that in truth he was a pretender? And what was the impact of his claim? The name 'I Sangkilang' is not a real name, but an epithet derived from the word sangkilang (Mak.), meaning a helmsman's seat (Matthes 1885:678). Tideman (1908:361) traces the first mention of I Sangkilang's actions from Dutch records. These claim that 1 Sangkilang was bought as a slave a year previously (in 1775) by one of the nobles of Bone, Arung Patimbing, at Pasir in East Kalimantan (Borneo); the proximity of Pasir to South Sulawesi made it a popular spot with the Bugis traders. Presumably 1 Sangkilang would have met people from many different parts of South Sulawesi while he was at Pasir, and would have been able to gather information on current issues. 45 The first mention of 1 Sangkilang was on 11 th November 1776, when the Company's chief interpreter, Brugman, who was carrying out some official duties at Polombangking, reported that a person named 1 Sangkilang had landed at Sompu in Sanrabone and had declared publicly at a feast that he was the Batara Gowa, the exiled king. 46 1 Sangkilang's claim was first tested in public when a crowd demanded proof of his claim to be the Batara Gowa. Reportedly, 1 Sangkilang was able to convince the crowd by answering some questions pertaining to "'various jewels and relati\'cs of Pasir is situated on the coastal area of east Kalimantan. For further infonnation on Pasir. see (anon. 1905:532tl). 46 I Sangkilang'sjustification of his escapade brought high credit for his bra\'ery and agility in the eyes of the locals. The story of his flight was used by I Sangkilang as psychological propaganda to win trust among the people that he was the 'true' Batara Gowa. According to Tidemann (1908:360-365), when Batara <...iowa (l Sangkilang) was taken to be exiled to Ceylon in a proa from Batavia, the proa suddenly sank, but he managed to save himself by hanging on to the sangkilang and afterwards succeeded in getting back on to the boat and sailing on, until he reached his homeland (Roessingh 1986: 159). 45


Batara Gowa", and in this way the 'ignorant crowd was duped' (Tidemann 1908:361: ANRl MakA05/3).47 Such a claim, were it to prove true or to be accepted as true. posed

a serious threat to the Company's interests. The Company ordered Brugman to act decisively and to capture the claimant dead or alive (AlvTRI MakA05.fJ; Tidemann 1908:361). However, before Bruggman was able to do so, I Sangkilang has already launched an attack on the Company's troops in Polombangking, which resulted in seventeen deaths on I Sangkilang's side (Tideman 1908:362). I Sangkilang's success in attracting a substantial following within a short period of time leads one to speculate that he possessed a particularly charismatic character. His appearance occurred at a moment of political breakdown at which he was able to manipulate public sentiment. It would have taken an exceptional mind and personality to manipulate an existing set of circumstances to one's advantage so well and so convincingly. Weber refers to this process as constituting an 'extraordinary situation' and 'mission' (Cavalli 1987:317-333).48 I Sangkilang must have possessed a certain charismatic presence or an innate skill to exploit and create mass emotions, for it seems extraordinary that people believed him to be the Batara Gowa with so little challenge. However, it appears that this growing influence was reinforced by using promises and threats to gain support from the Makasars (Tidemann 1908:361).

4.2.2 The cause of the downfall of Gowa Three days after having sent the report to the Governor, on 11 th November 1776, the Company's chief interpreter Brugman was ambushed by I Sangkilang. Despite Brugman's men numbering only fifty, I Sangkilang lost seventeen of his two hundred men before retreating to a village called Kampung Barana in the region of Turatea (Tidemann 1908:362). When the Governor heard that I Sangkilang had taken flight, he instructed the king of Gowa, Sultan Zainuddin, to either capture or kill I Sangkilang, and offered a ransom Dutch sources comment on the status of I Sangkilang in the reports prepared by Brugman: "I am assured that the vagrant [I Sangkilang] mentioned could not be the fled king, it also seems to me unlikely that he is a son of the rijksbestierder of Bone, because he would then not have done sen'ice as a slave to a common prince for a year. but would certainly have gone tp his grandfather. and e\'en less so would he ha\'e caused unrest amongst the Boniers as well as the Company's subjects [...]:' (AXRJ Mak..J05 3:2 od December 1776) 41' Cavalli (1987:328) schematises the conditions of charismatic leadership according to three conditions: firstly. the existence of an extraordinary situation or crisis in which a breakdown of crucial cultural expectations of a people has occurred; secondly. the resurgence of popular secular religions: thirdly. the emotionality of the masses. who in conditions of breakdo\\l1 are capable of exhibiting regression. l'nder thest" circumstances a leader is able to integrate the ego and the ego ideal of the masse" 47


of two hundred to two hundred and fifty Spanish dollars. The Governor wanted to prevent I Sangkilang from escaping elsewhere, in particular to the Company's northern provinces (ANRl MakA05/3:i h January 1777). The king of Gowa evidently felt some threat from the pretender, for he made enquiries and then informed the Go\"ernor that I Sangkilang was not the Batara Gowa Amas Madina. Since the king of Gowa took no further action despite the Governor's communication, I Sangkilang was able to expand his following. By mid-December, I Sangkilang had moved to Barombong, closer to the city of Gowa. With him went the grandmother and mother of the real Batara Gowa, Arung Palakka and Karaeng Bellasari. Their conviction, only one month after his arrival at Makassar, that this confidence trickster was indeed their exiled grandson and son, also lends support to the assumption that I Sangkilang must have possessed a remarkable talent for manipulation. Arung Palakka, as the highest-ranking noble, was a key figure in I Sangkilang's strategy for obtaining the throne of Gowa. I will return to the involvement of A rung Palakka later. The first mention that the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh makes of I Sangkilang is on 1st December 1776: "I heard news from Makassar about the arrival of Karaeng Gowa who was exiled to Ceylon. God knows the truth." (DAS:f.18r)

Suspicion regarding I Sangkilang's true identity, implicit in the above entry, was voiced to the Governor, with a request for more information. Perhaps feeling that the Arumpon(; had shirked his responsibilities, since Barana, in Jeneponto, where the rebel dwelt, was under Bone sovereignty, Governor Van der Voort answered, somewhat irritably, that the king should look for himself (Roessingh 1986: 160). Six months elapse before I Sangkilang's activities are reported on again by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. On 1i


May 1777 he writes that the Dutch post at Maros has been

burnt down by those who claimed to be the followers of Batara Go\va (DAS:f.21 \': 1)TM:f.l1 r). Nine days later, he writes that Datu Baringang, the military head of Bone,

has recaptured Maros (DAS:f.21 v). Three weeks on, he reports that the person purporting to be Batara Gowa has now taken control of Gowa (DAS:f.22r). We can deduce that within six months of first declaring himself to be the exiled king, I Sangkilang had gathered around him a veritable army and network of support. Even though his force


suffered several defeats at the hands of the troops of the Dutch and their allies, his following continued to swell in numbers. 49 In spite of the Company engaging a great many resources and much manpower in attempting to suppress the rebel, it was unable to rally sufficient military support from its allies, Bone and Soppeng, to overpower him. Prior to I Sangkilang's capture of Gowa, planned attacks were repeatedly postponed by one or other of the nati\"e forces. providing the rebels with the opportunity to increase their numbers and to t1ee. These postponements, greatly lamented by the Governor in his reports. were symptomatic of a general ambivalence towards the rebel on the part of the allies. The king of Gowa stated that as the Governor was unwilling to post himself on the front line, neither would he (Sultan Zainuddin) (ANRl MakA04/4:2S th May 1777). The Governor's reports characterise many native troops as extremely reluctant to take up arms against the rebels. In one place, the Governor expresses his astonishnlent at their blatant apathy when the king of Gowa came to ask for assistance for the Tomarilalang, who had been surrounded by the rebel army (ANRJ MakAO.j 4:26 th May

1777). It could well be suggested that the native troops saw more of an ally in I Sangkilang than they did in the Dutch Company. This sentiment is encapsulated in the following entry on Datu Baringang, the commander of Bone's troops: "Ponggawa La Kasi told the Governor that Datu Baringang on his way to Maros had told Karaimg Kanjilo to leave because after all they [the Makasars and Karaeng Kanjilo] were only seeking to fight the Dutch and they [Datu Baringang and troops] are natives." (ANRJ Mak.404/4:26 th May 1777)

Whilst fighting on the side of the Dutch and constantly reassuring the Governor of his loyalty to the Company, Datu Baringang showed himself to be duplicitous by nd

sheltering the rebel. Twice Datu Baringang sabotaged allied operations: on 2


..1rung Pancana 50 informed the Governor that he had been attacked by the rebels at

Takere and Paranglowe and that Datu Baringang, who had been following behind with his troops, had let the rebels pass: on 4th June Datu Baringang is reported as ha\"ing aided I Sangkilang and Arung Palakka to flee from the pursuing Arung Pancana, hy

Although I Sangkilang 's movements were impeded by the Dutch and the all ies' troops. he succeeded In taking temporary control of Maros, Talloq and Gowa. Many of the native forces defected to join I Sangkilang's army. so that even the Governor was confused when. on hearing that I Sangkilang had arrin;d in Gowa. Sultan Zainuddin, the ruler of Gowa, requested Dutch assistance. In this state ()f confusion. the GO\'l~mor did not know who was friend or foe (Roessingh 1986: 1(1). 50 The Dutch records portray Arung Pancana. a noble prince from Tanete, as the most dedicated pt:rson in th helping the Company to oust the rebel (A.VRJ .\fak. -104, -I: 19 June 1777). 49

placing his own men in-between the enemy and the allied troops (.LVRl .\fak.-I{)-I


June 1777). Despite the ambushes and attacks by the Dutch, I Sangkilang and his followers emerged almost unscathed, and escaped unhindered from every battle. The ease with th

which Gowa was taken by the rebel force on the 15 June 1777 would also suggest some measure of collaboration from within Gowa: "[The Governor] received a message from the king of Gowa that the rebel had unexpectedly come back to Gowa at 5 a.m. with more than one thousand men and he [the king of Gowa] was unable to oppose I Sangkilang [... ] received a message saying that the king of Gowa had been overthrown and the rebel [I San~ilang was] elected in his place." (ANRl Mak.404/4: 1St June 1777)51 Similarly, on the same date, the troops of To'Irate are reported as having made no effort to oppose the enemy (ANRl MakA04/4: 15 th June 1777). Immediately after Gowa had fallen to I Sangkilang, a number of attacks were staged as joint initiatives between the Company's troops and native troops of the allies. During the first of these, the Company's soldiers began to scale the city walL but found themselves without help, for "[ ... ] none of the natives had supported the Europeans: Arung Pancana and the previous Ponggawa La Kasi had attacked from another side but had also been forced to fall back, whilst the Boniers had just stood and stared without making the slightest move to help our side, even less so to attack the enemy." (ANRl MakA04/4:16 th June 1777) After the fall of Gowa to I Sangkilang, the Maqdanrang of Bone is described as having given 'cowardly excuses' for the comportment of his troops that morning, many of whom had defected to the other side, further swelling the ranks of rebel fighters. th

Others aided the enemy by providing them with ammunition (ANRI Afak.404/4:20 June

1777). The fall ofGowa on 15 th June was recorded in brief by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh: "Today. a person who claimed to be Batara Gowa took control of Gowa. Today. the Maqdanrang and Datu Baringang set off to Gowa together with the Con1pany's troops." (DAS:f.22r)

The king of Gowa escaped with his family to the Company'~ protection. taking ~L\l:11 ()f the royal ornaments with him. but leaving behind fourteen oth('r~. including the slidang. which now came into I Sangkilang' ~ po~session (Roessingh 1986: 172 --;3). 51



A week later, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh receiyed his parents' messenger. -- who reported that his nobles (Datu Baringang and the Maqdanrang) and the Company's troops had gone to Gowa to launch a counter-attack against the rebel, I Sangkilang: 23 rd June 1777: "[ ... ] who had taken the regalia of Gowa, therefore, Karaeng Katangka [Sultan Zainuddin] is no longer the ruler of Gowa since the regalia had been seized [by I Sangkilang]." (DAS:f.22r)

The situation in Gowa became so grave that on 2ih June the Governor demanded of the Bone nobles that they declare whether they were prepared to support the Company's troops in regaining Gowa (ANRI Mak.404/4). Again, it seems that the nobles did all they could to thwart a speedy conclusion: "[ ... ] Datu Soppeng did not arrive until nine, making me wait for an hour before coming to me and telling me that the Bone Maqdanrang had said that he will consult with Datu Baringang to decide a date for the attack, and adding various other excuses which clearly shows that they are trying to lead us up the garden path and by no means can any measure be got of them [... ]." (ANRI Mak.404/4:28 th June 1777)

Because of the evident lack of obligation felt by the troops provided to the Company by Bone, and in particular those headed by Datu Baringang, eventually the Governor wrote to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh to request that he come to Makassar (DAS, 1i


October 1777:f.24r).


The key role of A rung Palakka

In order to gain control of Gowa, support from the grandmother of the real Batara Gowa, Arung Palakka, the highest-ranking noble in South Sulawesi, was indispensable to I Sangkilang and a great aid in his canvassing for followers. Mangiratu A rung Palakka 53 was the daughter of To'SappewalL the nineteenth ruler of Bone, who was also the twentieth ruler of Gowa. Of high noble birth, marrYing the king of Talloq further boosted Arung Palakka's status; she was also Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's great aunt, a cousin of his grandfather. Given her prominent position and influence at the courts of

The word ca.iiangngengngaq (B.) means 'person who ga\"e birth to me'. Ho\\c\·er. the word i" abo lIsed by the Arumpone to refer to both his biological father and mother. It appears that at thi" time. the .",."mpom;·s cajiangngeng li\"ed in Gowa and that from the above entry there is no indication whether the surD belonged to his father or mother. ).' A,."ng Palakka was also known as !\arQ(!ng Paramparang. Her personal name is unknown. 52


Bone and Gowa, it can be assumed that I Sangkilang's plan revolved around gaining the support of this dowager queen. On the


January 1777, only two months after he first appeared in South Sula\vesi.

Sangkilang is reported by the Company's interpreter Blij as having sent a messenger to Arung Palakka, saying he would like to meet her, and asking her to specify a place to

meet. Blij reported that Arung Palakka did not give an immediate reply but said she would first consult the Maqdanrang (of Bone)54 who was due to arrive from Bone. The meeting presumably did take place, for a week later the Dutch sources report that: "the captain of the Malays had been ordered to investigate the dealings of the Maqdanrang of Bone and Princess Arllng Palakka. He reported that Arung Palakka still claims that the rebel Sangkilang is her grandson [... ] that she could see she was no longer believed [by the court] and had therefore decided to leave the Bone court and go elsewhere." (ANRJ Mak.405/3:14 th January 1777) From this information it is apparent that I Sangkilang had successfully convinced Arllng Palakka that he was her long-lost grandson, a pivotal point in the ever bolder assertion of his identity as the Batara Gowa. Arung Palakka's acceptance of I Sangkilang as her grandson was felt immediately, for on the same day it is reported that Karaeng Sapanang had joined the rebel on her orders. 55 On the


March, a messenger from the Bone court

sent to investigate I Sangkilang's identity reports having seen a messenger from the Queen of Talloq at I Sangkilang's headquarters at Borissaloq delivering guns, money, cloth and other supplies. The provision that was covertly given to I Sangkilang appears to have been in accordance with a pact that the Queen of Talloq had made with Arung Palakka. Dutch sources mention that the former had "long had a secret understanding or agreement with Arung Palakka through verbal and written messages" to assist the rebel (ANRJ Mak.405/3:g th March 1777).

It was becoming increasingly clear to the Governor that I Sangkilang was a pretender. On 29 th March a message from Ceylon, dated the previous January, arrived. It stated that:

"[ ... ] the previous [king] or Batara Gowa had still been there [in Ceylon]. Therefore the notorious rebel Sangkilang who

S~ The .\fmldanrang of Bone. ~luhammad Ramallang, was Anmg Palakka's nephew. S5 The exact sequence in which \'arious nobles joined I Sangkilang can be found in ASRI .\fak.286 'Opstaan Sangkilang'. The Dutch records also supply a list of names of those who had joined the rebel side during the submission of the hill Makasars to the GO\'emor on July 1st 1790. For further infonnation. sec AXRI ,Hak..f I C) 1.


pretended to be the same [Batara Gowa] , could not be that prince." (ANRI Mak.405/3) In spite of the aspersions cast on I Sangkilang's claim to be the Batara



appears to have become all the more brazen. On the 15 th of April Karaeng Lembang Parang and Arung Lipokasi had gone to see I Sangkilang to determine his true identity. On seeing them approach, Sangkilang immediately summoned them to his house and asked their reason for coming. They replied they had come to see if he was indeed the previous king of Gowa, to which, ''with the greatest rudeness and whilst making various bodily gestures, Sangkilang replied: 'See for yourself if I am not the person I purport to be'." (ANRI Mak.405/3: 15 th April 1777) Rumours about his identity were countered in advance by I Sangkilang by sending messengers to some of the mountain regents to persuade them to come and join his cause (ANRI Mak.405/3:30 th April 1777). During this time, Arung Palakka's support of him remained invaluable. Anticipating the large measure of loyalty felt towards her by other nobles, the Governor dubbed her '"the cause of all bad things that might result" (ANRI Mak.405/3:3 rd May 1777). However, an unexpected denouement was about to occur. In order to sustain a broad influence among the nobles, I Sangkilang entered into a marriage with a sister-in-law of Arung Pancana, his main military opponent (Roessingh 1986: 161). It was Arung Palakka

who performed the traditional wedding preparation of applYing rice powder to the bridegroom's body (ANRI Mak.404/4:8 th June 1777). One might speculate whether she deliberately seized this opportunity to ascertain whether the groom was indeed her grandson, for she knew that her grandson, Batara Gowa, possessed a number of marks about his body. 56 Rumours of Arung Palakka's misgivings about I Sangkilang began to circulate after the convincing discovery of the latter's pretence. A month after the wedding took place, the Dutch sources record it was rumoured that a difference had occurred between Arling Palakka and I Sangkilang. Arung Palakka now wanted to leave Gowa, and was said to have berated him, "that the country was now ruined without any of his predictions and promises having come true, and she could not continue inside [Gowa] any more." (ANRI Mak.405/3:22 nd July 1777) I Sangkilang had retorted that if she, Arling Palakka, did not

believe in his abilities, he would leave Gowa immediately: but the Tomarilalang of Gowa recognised that it was imperative to keep Arung Palakka with them. and forbade 56 Roessing (1986: 161) says that he had four scars on his body. The disco\cry of no such distinguishing marks must hayc dramatically crushed Alung Pa1akka' s confidence. after she had adopted this impostor as her prodigal grandson. Reports of the time describe her as having reacted with dismay and being completely inconsolable (mistroostig. D.). Despite such a concrete manifestation of the falsity of his claim. I Sangkilang nonetheless succeeded in removing her mistrust by assuring her that he was the th Batara Gowa (ANRI Mak..fO.J .J:S June 1777).

his people to allow her to leave (ANRI Mak.405/3:22 nd July 1777). A statement from a prisoner of the Dutch, Karaeng Mangerangi, declared that most people in Gowa no longer believed I Sangkilang to be Batara Gowa, although they dared not show their distrust out of fear of the Tomarilalang of Gowa and Arung Palakka, who were directing everything inside the city (Roessingh 1986: 163). Although she had witnessed first-hand that I Sangkilang was not her grandson, Arung Palakka nevertheless fled to the mountains with him when Gowa fell to the Company and the allies. and whether sincere or under duress, her continued public backing of I Sangkilang still served to lend weight to others' perception of him. I Sangkilang demonstrated a masterful manipulation of a number of factors crucial to

his insurrection. He managed to obtain the key support of Arung Palakka, whose authority was crucial in two respects; firstly, as the grandmother of the genuine king she was in a position to authenticate I Sangkilang's identity, and secondly, she was held in high esteem by numerous influential figures in the region. At the same time, I Sangkilang sought to canvas support by advocating an uprising against the Dutch. The division between Muslims and Christians was used by him to foster support for his cause; it was reported that "the son of the previously rebellious Karaeng Bontolangkasa had been to the Maqdanrang of Bone and asked the Boniers to join the enemy, I Sangkilang, since after all the fight was only against Christians." (ANRI Mak.404/4:29th May 1777)


The involvement of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in Gowa's crisis

On the basis of the events that I have highlighted so far, I would question the sincerity of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in his role as the Company's main ally. It was noted that after I Sangkilang's first appearance, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh remained in Bone. He did not go to Makassar until a year later, leaving the Governor to struggle not onl y with the rebels but also with the questionable integrity of his (Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s) nobles. On the 3rd October 1777 the Governor, in conference with the Bone and allies' nobles, was concerned about the worsening state of affairs, saYing that "[ ... ] the cause of nothing having been done was only attributable to a lack of good command on the part of the Bone military heads, since they did not seem able to agree with each other [... ] The hierarchy in command was nonexistent. and all attempts on my part, to attack the enemy together had been fruitless [... ]. How it was of paramount importance to make arrangements as soon as possible to appoint sOlneone in command [... ]." (ANRI Afak.404/4::,rd October 1777)


It can be inferred from the above reports that, due to its dependence on the military

assistance of the native ally troops, the Company's position was weak. As the above examples illustrate, there appears to have been a distinct reluctance among the natives to shed one another's blood. In this climate, the Governor rightly considered it crucial for the king of Bone to command his own troops in person. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh cannot have been unaware of this, for several times in his diary he notes the disappointing outcomes of various offensives. 57 On 17th October 1777 he received a letter from the Governor requesting him to join him. The nobles met the next day and reached the decision that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh should join the Governor in Makassar. Howe\'er. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh did not set off for another ten weeks (DAS, 29 th December 1777:f.25r). Bone's rightness in giving aid to the Dutch was challenged by its ally, Wajoq, who appealed to notions of shared cultural identity and affinity among the Bugis of South Sulawesi as a whole: Addendum 1778: [Date entry was written on] 17th June 1778: "[ ... ] that he [Arung Matoa of Wajoq] was shocked to hear that Arumpone and the royal standard had set off [to Makassar] without informing him earlier. The pact of Timurung is still strong in our minds. Whenever anyone of us has to face the enemy, we do not hesitate to assist. Whenever anyone of us wants to launch an attack on those outside the pact, first of all a meeting must take place to give it consideration and to avoid any action which is not agreeable [... ] Because your brother is furious to hear about the killing and slashing of the children and grandchildren of Matinroe ri Nagauleng [...]." (DAS:f.33r)

As the Company's principal ally, and as a fairly newly instated king, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had little choice but to show his loyalty and willingness to assist the Dutch, and he frequently professes his sincerity with the words: "Bone and the Company are like brothers and must never separate." (DAS:f.32v) For that reason, he sternly warned his nobles, his kingdom's allies and vassal states: 9th May 1778: "[ ... ] I gather all of you here [ ] I warn you never to collaborate with our enemies [ ] whoever breaches this agreement and collaborates with our enemy will have committed two offences: both to Bone and to the Company. If the vassal states violate this agreement, their punishment Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s diary entries of 28 th July 1777 (DAS:f.22\"): 18 th , 21 sl and 24 th Augu~t 177th (DAS:f.23r); and 27 October 1777 (DAS:f.24r), to name but a few in~tances. record failurc~ on the Company's side to take over Gowa. 57

will be five kati of gold. If the allied states \'iolate this agreement, they will be fined ten kati [of gold]. If any of you commit an offence for a second time, I will make you plough [as slaves] [... ] If soldiers are found guilty I will barter them and their wives and children in exchange for ammunition." (DAS:f.29v; DTM:f.18r) However, Bone's ally in the 1582 Pact of Tellumpocco, Wajoq, did not take part in assisting Bone, but instead sent two letters to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh stating \Vajoqs concerns over the killing of their own people. 58 Attempting to strike a balance between his commitments to the Company and to the ruler of Wajoq, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh sent the following reply: 28 th July 1778: "[ ... ] with regard to your messenger's outrage at Arumpone having commanded the Samparadja and at Arumpone 's departure [to war] without informing you earlier, and with reference to you reminding us of the law [agreement] that was set at Mallampatu [Tellumpocco] in Timurung, we had not forgotten about it. But, our understanding of the agreement differs to yours. So, you asked us to take no [military] action and then you [Wajoq] try to portray yourselves as abiding by the agreement. We cannot stand by, because they [the enemy] had done as they wished, in going against the regulations that were agreed with the Company. You are upset to see our children killing each other. I am very grateful for your good words [... ] neither do we want [our people] to kill each other, because this violates our ancestors' agreement. On the contrary, this does not apply to those who have done ill to us. Therefore, I propose that you stay out of it, and we will strive for sincerity between us [Bone and Wajoq], because with regards to the Tellumpocco [agreement], you have no place in our hearts." (DAS:f.29v) Earlier, on his arrival at Malimongang in Makassar in January 1778, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had performed his own oath of allegiance to the Company, and begun to reorganise his troops. DAS records a series of visits from the Arumpone 's nobles, with

Bone, Soppeng and Wajoq were bound in loyalty by the Tellumpocco Pact in 1582. The pact is also referred to as Mallampatue ri Timurung (or the burial of the stone at Timurung) to signify the alliance of the three states in 1582 during the reigns of the seventh Bone ruler. La Tenrirawe, the eleventh JlalOa of Wajoq, La Bungkace To'Udama and the twelfth ruler of Soppeng. Mataesso Punglipue (Andi \luhammad Ali 1986:21: Noorduyn 1955:251-2). After the formal declaration of the pact at Timurung which formalised the alliance a solemn oath was intoned, ending with the words: "If anyone should break this agreement, may the ground on which he liyes break into bits like porcelain and be smashed into pieces like an egg." (Andaya 1978:279) Each ruler then took a stone and threw it onto the ground. smashing an egg. The ceremony ended with the burying of the three stones to symbolise the agreement (Noordu)l1 1955:252). Fl)r further infl)rmation. see also A.\RI UP Roll 10 No.IOb. 5S

the purpose of swearing an oath of allegiance, and in order to assign troops to the various commanders (DAS:f.26v). At this point the Governor began planning a new offensive against Gowa. although his plans had already been impeded several times by the Boniers' lack of action. In the th

early hours of 24 June 1778, a joint attack was launched by the Company troops and the allies, and the entire city of Gowa was taken. By June 28 th , when all fortifications were pulled down, the occupation of Gowa was complete. DAS reports that several nobles of Makassar who were on I Sangkilang's side had managed to escape, including Karaeng Paramparang (Arung Palakka) and Daeng Riboko. I Sangkilang had himself escaped, taking with him several of the royal ornaments of Gowa including the sudang.


DAS also mentions that both of I Sangkilang's wives were taken captive by the Bone troops (DAS:f.29r; DTM:f.19v).

4.3.1 DAS' account of events following the fall of Gowa in 1778 After the fall of Gowa to the Company and its allies, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh makes little mention of his involvement in pursuing I Sangkilang, in contrast to the detailed and extensive records kept by the Dutch administration (cf. ANRJ Mak.135~ ANRJ Mak.]86~ ANRJ Mak.408/2a). Those rebels who had been unable to escape from Gowa were taken prisoner, to be pardoned upon payment of a fine. An exception was made for the nobles (anakaraeng, Mak.) of Gowa (DAS, 30th June 1778:f.29r) who were pardoned without having to pay any fines. From this time onwards the whereabouts of I Sangkilang is barely mentioned by DAS; information is confined to reports of his planned attacks.


Several weeks after the fall of Gowa, on 11 th September 1778, the nobles of Bone came to see the Governor to ask permission to escort Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh back to Bone. This was immediately declined for, in the Governor's view, the situation in Makassar was far from stable. On 27 th January 1779 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was informed by one of his nobles who had come from Ujung Tanah at Makassar that Arung Palakka had died (DAS:f.33v).61 With the death of Arung Palakka. the key figure, I Sangkilang lost his main supporter. Although he still possessed the sudang, a symbol of power, many of his followers deserted him due to the scarcity of food and the continuing pursuit by the Dutch.

See Roessingh (1986) for the list of royal ornaments. th hO For example, on 13 November 1778 (DAS:f.31 v) DAS records I Sangkilang's plans to attack th Bulubulu; on the 8 of December Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh received a letter from the resident of Bantaeng. reporting Batara Gowa's plans to attack Bulukumba (DAS:f.32r). th 61 Dutch sources report that Arong Palakka died at Borissaloq. on 9 January 1779 (ASRI .\fak.:Sf> 17-859

17 7 <) 'Opstaan Sankilang')

The death of Governor Van der Voort on 16th June 1780 put an end to the Company's persecution of I Sangkilang. Nonetheless, the legacy of his uprising was a political crisis for Gowa, which was left with no ruler. It was Governor Van der Voorf s successor, Barend Reijke, elected as the new Governor of Makassar on 20 th June 1781. who had to wrestle with this crisis. 62 Reijke and some of the nobles of Makassar decided to appoint Karaeng Bontolangkasa as the ruler of Gowa to succeed the pre\'ious king, who had died in September 1778 (DAS, 16th October 1781 :f.52r).63 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, after the Gowa war, arrived at Makassar again on 29 th May 1781 at the request of the Governor (DAS:f.49v). The inauguration of Karaeng Bontolangkasa gave rise to discontent among the Makasars because Gowa had to surrender some of its territories to the Company, thus increasing the Company's territory (Abdul Razak 1993:86). This \\'as seen by the natives as a sign of betrayal. On this issue, however, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentions only in passing that a discussion had taken place between the Company and the remaining Makasar nobles (DAS:f.49v). From the above discussion, it is obvious that many important events, particularly during the first six months of I Sangkilang's rise to power, are absent from Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary. Their absence gives the reader of the diary an incomplete picture of the period; indeed, if one were to research the uprising of I Sangki1ang solely on the basis of the diary, one would be left with the impression that Sultan Ahmad asSalleh had supported the Company to the full, and responded to its every request. From DAS, all we learn of this event is that Bone successfully fulfilled its duty as the closest

ally to the Company. From cross-referral to the Dutch records, we know this to be erroneous, however, and must speculate therefore that he deliberately sought to portray himself for posterity as an unerring ally of the Company. By careful presentation of events, he was able to convey an image of himself as a prudent and tactful ruler, and to minimise his own role in the incident.

Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentioned that he went again to Makassar as requested by the Company for the official appointment of Barend Reijke as the new Governor for Makassar (DAS:f.50r). 63 When Gowa fell to I Sangkilang. Sultan Zainuddin was dethroned and he escaped from the palace of Gowa. He re~ested the Company's protection and was gi\'en a place to reside at f\tatoanging (A.vRI .\/llk.404, .J: 1t June 1777). One of the Dutch sources reports that Sultan Zainuddin visited the Governl)r and informed the latter of his impoverishment. as he was unable to take his wealth with him when he fled, Instead of ~etting financial support from the Governor. he was criticised by the Governor for his mistakL' 1 in abandoning his kingdom and providing a way for the usurper to take control (ASRI J\lllk.404 4: 1-:- , June 17 7 7; Friedericv IQJ~:4(4). 62





4.3.2 A review of I Sangkilang's rebellion Based upon both indigenous and Dutch records, the events surrounding I Sangkilang described above give ample evidence of the central role played by Arung Palakka in allowing the pretender to rally support from all quarters. The Tomarilalang of Gowa also played a considerable role in helping I Sangkilang in his pursuit of the throne of Gowa. Of vital importance was I Sangkilang's appeal to the concept ofpesse or brotherhood. of the Makasar people; which together with siri' or shame, forms the pillar of the Makasar (and Bugis) mindset (Mattulada 1985; Abdul Hamid 1985; Andaya 1981: Andi Zainal Abidin 1999a, 1999b; Laica 1995:205-8). The feeling of pesse was ob\'iously manifest in the numerous defections of native troops allied to the Company, as well as their repugnance for shedding the blood of their fellow people. In addition. I Sangkilang' s possession of the sudang, the royal regalia of Gowa, helped to prolong his influence upon the people of Makassar, in that the majority of Bugis and Makasars adhered to the tradition that whoever possessed the sudang was their ruler.


The regalia of Gowa: a conflict

When I Sangkilang died in 1785, the kingdom of Gowa faced the challenging problem of regaining the regalia and a number of other royal ornaments. Seven years previously, in 1778, when I Sangkilang escaped with some of his following to the mountains, he had taken along with him several of the royal ornaments of Gowa, including the sudang. These royal ornaments were still in I Sangkilang's possession when, in 1781, Karaeng Bontolangkasa, the son of the late Sultan Zainuddin, was appointed to the throne of Gowa. Hence, because the traditional custom or adeq (B.,) required the presence of the state regalia of Gowa, the sudang, in order for the newly appointed king to be recognised, the installation of Karaeng Bontolangkasa was not recognised by the majority of the Makasars and the Company's main ally, Bone. In 1785, instead of returning the sudang and other royal ornaments to the ruling court of Gowa, I Sangkilang's followers surrendered them to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. This act intensified the existing discord between Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh and the Company regarding the exemption of levies on royal shipping, and the dispute becatne morc complicated when, despite the Company's efforts, he persisted in refusing to retU111 the sudang.


4.4.1 The elections of the Governor of Makassar and the ruler of Gowa In his diary, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh notes the appointment of Barend Reijke as the new Governor of Makassar, on 20th June 1781, after se\'eral postponements (DAS:f.50r). It appears that the most pressing matter for the newly appointed Goyernor was to

conserve the political stability of the kingdom of Gowa and of Makassar by appointing a new ruler of Gowa at the earliest opportunity. The State Council of Gowa. the Bate Salapang, agreed and their choice fell on Karaeng Bontolangkasa, son of the late ruler

of Gowa. DAS reports on the appointment of Karaeng Bontolangkasa: 15th October 1781 : "The head interpreter came to inform [me] that the Governor had agreed to appoint Karaeng Bontolangkasa as the ruler of Gowa tomorrow [16th October 1781] and [his decision] had been agreed by the Makasars who support the Company." (DAS:f.52r) Although the above entry does not disclose the Arumpone's feelings, he appears to have been disgruntled at Karaeng Bontolangkasa' s being made successor to the throne of Gowa, for he did not attend his inauguration. 64 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh does not reveal in his diary the reason for his absence, but simply reports that he sent his representatives (DAS,

16th October 1781 :f.52r). However. the reason for the

Arumpone's absence and, correspondingly, his protestation against the validity of the

1781 election, is revealed in Dutch sources from November 1787, which refer to events in 1781. In a letter to the Governor General and Council of Indies in Batavia, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh cites an earlier meeting: "Weare worried about the circumstances [of the election], as we explained to the ministers on the 15 th October 1781. when the chief interpreter, Diederik Deethout, was sent by Reijke to tell us 'let the sultan of Bone sit with me tomorrow because I have decided to confirm that Simarawarie [Karaeng Bontolangkasa] will become the king of Gowa'." (A..V Rl Mak.14h:124) The king recounts how he had sent two of his nobles to meet the Governor to deli yer a letter conveYing his thoughts on the matter: "I cannot agree to appoint this Gowanese person as king. for the reason that Gowa is not yet a kingdom. It would be better for us both to meet with the Makasars who were [siding] with the Company and Bone and to let the Makasars [the hillMakasars and the Gowanese] come to a mutual agreenlent.


Kll"ll(~ng Bontolangkasa bears the regnal title of Sultan Abdul Hadi (Abdul Razak 199) :85),


And when they have made the mutual agreement. \\'e will support them." (ANRI Mak.14h:f.125) Somewhat surprisingly, a letter of complaint sent by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh to the Governor General in Batavia on 21 st October 1782 (BL . \lackenzie Collections No.67:fols 77-99)65 does not reiterate this discontent over the invalidity of the election (of Karaeng Bontolangkasa) which, in 1787, he retrospectively claims to have \'oiced at the time. It would seem that his objection to the election in 1781 was purely a matter of principle, and that he had no designs on the throne of Gowa in mind. Only when he obtained the sudang in 1785 did Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh recognise his uniquely privileged position vis-a-vis the kingdom of Gowa (ANRI Mak.14h:f.112). Indeed, prior to 1785, nowhere in his diary does he mention having such designs.66 In a report sent to the Governor-General W.A. Alting in Batavia, the Governor of Makassar, Barend Reijke, described the reason for Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s absence from the election of Karaeng Bontolangkasa. Reijke claimed that Sultan Ahmad asSalleh contested it because he felt the inauguration did not meet the traditional requirements, in that the rest of the mountain Makasars (essentially the nobles) were not present and some of the royal ornaments were absent from the ceremony. This last point about the required presence of the royal ornaments at the ceremony is a new argument in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's reasoning, again raising the question to what extent this new preoccupation was driven by the fact he now owned the sudang. Moreover, he insisted that as the Bone head of state he should have been told earlier, rather than being given only a day's notice of the election taking place (DAS:f.52r). Thus, the court of Bone refused to recognise Karaeng Bontolangkasa as the ruler of Gowa (./lNRl Mak.14g:fols 153-159). The Company countered that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had been given the chance to express his feelings to the interpreter sent to inform him of the need for the election. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had sent his delegation to the exchanging of contracts. Therefore, if he was dissatisfied with the election of the successor to the Gowa throne,

The letter written by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh lists fifteen issues pertaining to economy: free trade. contract debts, verthiening (crop tax), customs duty, king' s maintenance grant, homogenisation of the usc of currency. It also raises political issues concerning the role of Bone as the main Dutch ally and the need for its invol\'t?ment in all domestic matters of importance, as well as fi\e other minor matters. Thes~' complaints were countered by the Governor of Makassar in the latter's reply to the Governor General on ~2nd Julv 1783. For more information, see (BL Mackell~ie Collection No.67a:fols 77-100) and a report made b'y the Dutch Committee (Raad van Indie) on 14 th July 1783 (SL A.fackl'n~ie Collection No.67b:f.1O 1)~ see also the account made by Mr. Beth·s successor, ~1r. Chasse (SL .\I(/ckcll~ie Collection Nt).67c:fols 111-156). 66 ~ly interpretation is supported by the entries written in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary, on .~Oth \larch th 1787 (DAS:f.90v) and 25 October 1787 (DAS:f.94r). which I consider as an act of sdf-Iegitimisation by him as the ruler of Gowa (see my later discussion in this Chapter). 65


or if he had any claim to the throne of Gowa himself, then he should ha\'e brought it to their attention then (ANRI Mak.14g:fols 149-153). This supports my theory that it \\'as only after Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh found himself in possession of the sudang that he began to exploit the avenues for political gain that the situation provided, by \"indicating the birthright of which he had now become more conscious. Perhaps Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's actions relating to the issue of Gowa's successor can be viewed in conjunction with his meeting with a few Makasar nobles prior to the installation ceremony of Karaeng Bontolangkasa. Curiously, on 25 th September 1781. three weeks before the inauguration took place, he reports that in the afternoon he received an audience from a group of his court officials, consisting of the Maqdanrang, Tomarilalang, Arung Tanete and Arung Tibojong. These nobles brought along with

them Karaeng Sangata and his son, Karaeng Penna. The nobles had previously requested an audience specifically to bring in Karaeng Sangata and Karaeng Penna in person with their 'contribution of fines', sosoq (B.). On the last entry of the date mentioned, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh also reports that he had consented to pardon Karaeng Sangata (DAS:f.51 v). These names, Karaeng Sangata and Karaeng Penna,

appear only once in DAS, thus making the identification of these individuals more difficult.67 Cross-referring the entry with an entry taken from the DTM allows us to draw some conclusion as to the identity of the persons mentioned. The author of DTM wrote: 25 th September 1781 "Petta Maqdanrang and I [went to the palace to] bring Karaeng Tamasongo and his son, Karaeng Pannuq to [see] Arumpone [Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh]. The Maqdanrang ordered Karaeng Tamasongo and Karaeng Pannuq to take off their kris, later, they shook hands with Arumpone. He [Karaeng Tamasongo] declared that he was the Batara Gowa." (DTM:f.41r) Cross-referencing the event from both diaries, it seems likely that Karaeng Sangata was the person named as Karaeng Tamasongo by the author of DTM, the Tomarilalang MaIolo, who was present at the audience. Nobody but I Sangkilang would dare to claim

so boldly to be Batara Gowa: thus, presumably, Karaeng Tamasongo alias Karacng Sangata was I Sangkilang. Possibly the act of paying the sosoq was I Sangkilang's political stratagem, through which to ask for some kind of 'protection' from Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, who was known to be the closest ally of the Company. The fact that a common practice among the Bugis and Makasars to adopt additional names. especially after the person had undergone certain rites of passage such as circumcision, marriage. or special conferment of titles from the king in recognition of their deeds in war. Howeyer. the different names or titles carried by the same persllO makes it difficult to confirm the identity of that person without further information. 67




the king of Bone was given the regalia in 1785 after I Sangkilang's death seems to lend support to the speculation that there may have been some collaboration between them in the meeting of 1781. Therefore the decision to hand over the sudang to the Arumpone. instead of to the ruler of Gowa, would not be a surprise. Furthermore, after recei \ing the sudang, the Arumpone appears to have been more assertive in his claim to the throne of Gowa. As such, it is tenable that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's initial failure to persevere in making felt his discontent at the 1781 election was due to the fact that he was unable to effect any change in the situation. Only when he obtained the regalia could he turn the situation to his advantage. Indeed, it was from this point onwards that he began to assert his right of succession to the throne of Gowa (ANRI Mak.14a, ANRI Alak.14b,

ANRI Mak.14c,ANRI Mak.14d,ANRI Mak.14e, andANRI Mak.14h).

4.4.2 The question of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's dual rulership th

On 15 July 1785, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh reports on the death of I Sangkilang: "The messenger of the hill Makasars came to see Daeng Riboko to inform him of the death of the person who claimed to be Batara Gowa." (DAS:f.78v)

DAS does not note any further details of I Sangkilang's


the Dutch sources record

that he was poisoned by one of his man-servants while eating fish (Rosessingh 1986: 164; Abdul Razak 1993 :86). Four weeks after the death of I Sangkilang, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh reports that he granted an audience to a delegation of the hill Makasars: Tuesday, 16th August 1785: "The Maqdanrang brought Daeng Riboko to bring the [hill] Makasars [nobles] [before me] to surrender the sudang. I met with them." (DAS:f.79r) An additional entry, in one of the Addenda for the year 1783, written in the Makasar language under the same date,68 further describes the agenda of the meeting:

"1199 Hijrah or 1785 A.D.. on 16th August, 10th SyoH'al. on Tuesday. The Maqdanrang came to bring Daeng Riboko together with the Gowa [Makasar] people who brought the Reading through Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary, it is clear that the scribe made a habit of putting additional infonnation or entries in any spaces available. Since this was a common practice. it is unlikely (but tenable, nonetheless) that this more detailed entry could be a later addition made to legitimise in retrospect Arumpone's claim to the Gowa throne, once the Company had begun to exert pressure for the return of the sudang. 68


sudang. Daeng Kasia as the spokesperson said; "We have come to see you to deliver our master's pronouncement that Bone and Monconga should be united. We have now reached agreement on the two [or] three issues. We inherited the accomplishments of our former master Karaeng Tumamena ri Mangkuwaya [literally, 'He who lies at Mangkuwaya']. Although this action is very hard for us to bear, we must shoulder it for the sake of the kingdom [of Gowa]. Although it is testing, [you will] uphold the adat of Gowa, for the sake of the children and grandchildren of Karaeng Tumamena ri Lakiung [literally, 'He who lies at Lakiung']. [It is] the King of Bone [who] will uphold the adat of the land [of Gowa]. And such is our hope, for you are our leader and we are pleased about this. Our feelings say that we should not doubt the unity and brotherhood within our country and whoever leads and rules our kingdom will be our master. Nothing you have said conflicts with our desires. Whatever problems we have in our minds, we will tell you, and we expect guidance and hope from you, and we think you are very worthy, because our own minds could not possibly encompass the entire adat of the Gowa land." (DAS:f.68r)

This long entry written in the Addenda 1785 appears to emphasise the suitability of the Arumpone for the Gowa throne, and hence, was a way to legitimise his claim explicitly, yet subtly. Although Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh reports his meeting in two different entries, one in the daily entry and another in the Addendum, he does not mention the sudang physically coming into his possession.

The sudang was not

actually handed over to him on this date, 16th August 1785 (DAS:f. 79r). A month later, on 16th September, the Arumpone informs us that the sudang was brought by the Makasars to Karaeng Balasari's house (DAS:f.79v).69 Why it was not kept at the royal palace is unclear, but from the diary's entries it is evident that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was considered, and considered himself, to be the keeper of the sudang from August 1785 onwards. This is explicitly mentioned in DAS when he writes: 28 th July 1786: " [... ] it has [now] been a year that I have had the sudang of Gowa. Barakallah." (DAS:f.85v) Another entry of similar tone reads: 6th August 1786: "'For exactly a year I have served the kingdom of Gowa. Barakallah [... ]." (DAS:f.86r)

Karaeng Balasari was Daeng Riboko alias Arung Mampu's mother who had been invited to re-;ide in Watampone (Bone) in 1785 by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh (DAS:f.79v).



It is evident that only on 29 th November 1786 did the sudang physically come into

his possession: "The sudang, I Tanisama, and the [other] regalia of Gowa came to me, brought by the [hill] Makasars. Therefore, I kept them [in my possession] [...]." (DAS:f.87v) Prior to 29th November, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh did not possess the sudang. and therefore it is presumed that the series of meetings held with the hill Makasars on i



and 16 August 1785 constituted a verbal agreement to surrender the regalia to him (DAS:f. 79r). In May 1787, the Arumpone explicitly writes in his diary his claim to be

the legitimate ruler of Gowa: 28 th May 1787 "I instructed the Tomabbicara Butta [the chief justice] that; 'Those Anakarung of Makassar who are held captive in Gowa should be released to accord with Bone's wishes and ordered to serve Gowa. Whoever possesses the sudang is their master'" (DAS:f.91 v). From this date onwards, on several occasions, he mentions bringing the regalia of Gowa, as well as that of Bone, with him during the Muslim festive season. lebaran (Id.), and on other royal tours, as shown in the following reports: 20 th July 1787: "I went to perform the Friday prayer. This time, on Eid, I brought the sudang along with me." (DAS:f.92v) Similarly; 19th September 1787: "'I took a proa from Ujung Tanah to Maros together with Puang Batara Tungkeq. I also brought along with me the regalia of Bone and of Gowa by land from Talloq. The regalia were sent [to me] by the Anreguru Anakarung together with Tomarilalang, Karaeng Bonto [Pataku], Karaeng Bonta Matutapo. Around 'Asar [early evening] the regalia arrived at Marampesu." (DAS:f.93v; DTM:f.83r) Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's self-assumed dual status as king of both Bone and Gowa increasingly asserts itself through social contacts. In his diary, this is manifested in his 111entioning of being presented with a gift of some money by Karaeng Sanrabone \\"hen \'isiting hiITI. He writes that he was given two real: one in his capacity of Arumpone. the other in his capacity of Karaeng of Gowa. The same applies to his wife, \\"ho recein:o half a tail as the Queen of Bone, and another half a tail as the Karaeng Baine (Queen of th

Gowa) (DAS 30 March 1787:f.90v; DAS 18 th October 1787:f.94r). In this way. Sultan


Ahmad as Salleh indicates that another local ruler, too, recognised his legitiInacy, Similarly, to celebrate the Prophet Mohammad's birthday~ he organised



events on different days for the Bugis and the Makasars respectively. Another example of his self-Iegitimisation, rather than others' legitimisation of him. occurs on 25 th of October 1787: "[An] ear piercing ceremony for I Patiku [was held]. I presented her with two slaves: one as a gift from the ruler of Bone; the other as a gift from the ruler of Gowa [...]." (DAS: f. 94r) As a result of the hill Makasars' submission, and the surrender of the sudang to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in August 1785, two factions developed within the Makassar kingdom. On the one hand were the hill-Makasars who followed the sudang, supporting •

the Arumpone, and on the other the Gowanese, the Makasars who showed allegiance to

Karaeng Bontolangkasa (Sultan Abdul Hadi). The Company's authority in the region was clearly undermined by the division; by 14th August 1787 the Company felt sufficiently threatened by the growing political instability to send a party of delegates to demand of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh that the sudang be given over to the Company. On this matter, DAS states: 14th August 1787: "The Company's delegates; the Commisaris, the Fiscal [officer] came with the harbourmaster, with orders to demand the regalia of Gowa and other royal ornaments." (DAS:f.93r) It appears that from August 1787 70 the Bone court and the Company entered into a

polemic, in which each disputed the right of the other to own the sudang. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh continued to reiterate that the Makasars had chosen him. In 1789. a further schism shows that the situation was to erupt into an armed civil conflict between the two factions (DAS, 15 th July 1789:f.l 08v).

4.4.3 The contest for the sudang The dispute over the ownership of the sudang had enormous reperCUSSIons for Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. Were he to gain possession of the sudang, it would greatly enhance his status and authority among the Bugis and the Makasars. On the other hand.

It would appear from a letter \\ntten by the Bone court in November 1787. in justification of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's claimed right to rule Gowa. that Go\'ernor Reijke had been expecting the ruler of Bone to surrender the sudang and other regalia for some time prior to 14 th August I 7'8, 7. (,-I SRI .\fak 1-111:£.11]) 70


it would provide the Dutch with a ready-made excuse to invade Bone should they feel that the possession of the regalia was too great a threat to their authority. 71 In bringing the sudang to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh after I Sangkilang' s death, the hill-Makasars had acted in defiance of the Company and its regulations. According to the Bongaya Contract, the Company should have been involved in all negotiations. and hence it was to the Company that the sudang should have been returned, so that it could be restored to the lawful ruler of Gowa, Karaeng Bontolangkasa. Equally, according to the Bongaya treaty, it was to the Company that the hill-Makasars would e\'entually ha\'e to submit. Nevertheless, when the hill-Makasars did submit, it was with the inter\'ention of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, the Company's main ally. There are several possible reasons for the hill-Makasars' action in handing over the sudang to the ruler of Bone above anybody else. Perhaps they were motivated by feelings of shame 'siri" and pride, 'pesse', and a sense that delivering it to Bone was less of a surrender than relinquishing

it to the Company. In any case, the hill-Makasars (and Sultan Ahmad as Salleh) did not view Karaeng Bontolangkasa's instatement in the absence of the sudang as legitimate. In his letter addressed to the Governor, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s own justification for the hill-Makasars having brought the sudang to him is as follows: 72 "'In the beginning of the year 1785, on Sunday 7th August [... ], the Makasars from the hills came to present us the kingdom of Gowa, on which occasion we were living at Bone. [... ] All the above came to Bone and offered me the kingdom of Gowa saYing: 73 'We, the Makasars, come to Bone to submit ourselves, [... ] to Bone, for in no one do we trust more to seek our well-being from the Company because we want to have a contract with the Company, and also such is our custom that we submit ourselves to the country of Bone, and that Bone champions our well-being with the Company. Moreover we give the kingdom of Gowa to the grandson of our master'. These are the words that the Gowanese brought to me ISultan Ahmad as-Salleh] [... ]." (ANRI Mak.14h:f.108-111)7

The final consequences of the struggle for the possession of the sudang were felt a decade and a half later. For more infonnation see (HL Board's Collection 1796-185?'L see also (..lARJ JlakJo5u. AYRI .\fukJo5b, .·LVRI Mak.265c, ANRl MukJo5d, AXRl ,\fak.265e and AXRI MakJo5/). h 72 It appears that the meeting on t August 1785 was just a yerbal declaration of intent to surrender the slidang, in contrast to the diary entry on 16 th August 1785 which states that the slidang was delivered to the .·l,.",npone (DAS:f.80r). n Dutch sources lists the nobles who came to surrender the sudang to the Anlmpone: for further s1 infonnation, see (ANRl Mak14h:l08-9): see also (ANRI AJak.J19 1:1 July 1790). 74 This statement is only found in the Dutch record. The only eyent that the Arlimpone mentions in hi" diary for 7d1 August 17R5 was the arrival of the hill Makasars at Daeng Riboko's h()use. bringing the slidang with them (DAS:f.79r). 71


The hill-Makasars' action was not unfounded; they, and later Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh too, claimed that he had the right to the throne of Gowa for reasons of genealogy. In his letter to the Company, he stressed his genealogical claim: "Our master [Arung Palakka Malampeq-e Gemmeqna] who died at Bontoalaq arranged the marriage between our master who died at Nagauleng [Sultan Alimudin Idris alias La Patau, being a nephew of Arung Palakka] and Karaeng Patukangan, the daughter of Raja Gowa Sultan Abdul JaliI Shaharuddin, who abdicated to Likijong, who [then] gave birth to Karaeng Patukangan, our master Sultan Mohamed Saad who died at Sombaopu [Matinroe ri Sombaopu] who reigned over Gowa and Bone, and who was also [the] Datu of Soppeng. This person [... ] [later] became Ponggawa of Bone [Arung Sumaling] who married the daughter of Maqkedangtana of Bone and she gave birth to Arung Baka who is married to the daughter of our master Sultan Jalaluddin Abdul Razak who died at Malimongang [Matinroe ri Malimongang] and this person fathered me. 75 And so we say that we and nobody else are the heirs to the kingdom of Bone and Gowa." (ANRJ Mak.14h:fols 112-113)76

Supported by strong genealogical ties, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh felt that he was the rightful claimant to the Gowa throne and, as such, his possession of the regalia was legitimate. In his diary he attempts to depict his ownership of the sudang as a fortunate accident, stressing that it was the Makasars who came to him and not vice versa (DAS:f.79r; ANRJ Mak.14h:f.108-111). Although from his own records it would seem

the king never sought to profit from the possibilities offered by his genealogy before he found himself in possession of the sudang, this does not rule out any earlier scheming on his part.

Indeed, I have previously suggested that a meeting may havc taken place

between Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh and I Sangkilang, some years before the latter's death. Conversely, the very absence of any explicit reference to designs on the Gowa throne may itself be indicative of a concerted effort to keep his objective hidden. After all, it is not unreasonable to expect to find his strategy for occupYing the thrones of both kingdoms reflected in his diary, but it is from the Dutch sources that \\'c derivc much information concerning the dispute over the sudang. Where the issue does arise in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary from 1787. it generally relates to demands made or meetings called by the Company, or to the conflict between the two factions of Makasar, revealing little of the Arumpone's political strategy.

Perhaps this is an error made by the interpreter while working on the Bugis letter. Sultan .\bdul Razak Jalaluddin was not Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's father. but his grandfather. 76 Unfortunately. such a claim of similar tone to that mentioned in the Dutch records. is absent fWIll the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. The only entry that provides comparable affirmation is on 28 th \fay 1787 (DAS:f.91 v). 75


The Governor had enjoyed little success in his efforts to retrieve the regalia, and on th

19 August 1789 he wrote in exasperation that: "[the Company has] not the slightest assurance











Mak.41911:19 August 1789) That Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's lobbying of the Company

became more forceful, asking it to recognise him as the king of Gowa, we learn mainly from the Dutch records. For example, on 24th June 1789. the Governor reports that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had asked bluntly 'of ik hem als koning van Goah It'ilde erkennen' (whether I [the Governor] would recognise him as the king of Gowa) (A/v'RJ Mak.419/1: 24th June 1789).

4.4.4 The submission of the hill Makasars to the Company For a considerable period, it appeared that the Company and the Bone court had reached a stalemate in which the Company's persistent demands were met with continued refusal and deferment. Then, towards the end of 1789. the armed contlict between the hill-Makasar and those who followed Karaeng Bontolangkasa served as a catalyst for action. In order to preserve stability in Makassar, the Company saw it as a matter of urgency to bring the hill-Makasars into submission to the Company without further ado. Discussions on the arrangement for the surrender took place from early 1790, but it was not until 1st July of that year that a mutually agreeable contract was drawn up, and the hill-Makasars were brought into submission. On 1st July 1790 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh reports: "We, the nobles of Bone went to the fort to ask for pardon for the people of Gowa [the hill-Makasars] who brought the regalia to me. Their [hill-Makasar] nobles were Maqkedangtana Gowa, Bate Salapang and the Anakarung. They were granted pardon. The Governor delivered his speech: 'Don't desert [Gowa], [but] strengthen your steadfastness towards the person in whom you all believe. The Company will not do anything which does not agree with your adat, and I will be pursuing that which was decided by the previous Governor'." (DAS:f.113v; DTM:f.l 03r) The Dutch sources provide a far more colourful and detailed description of the actual ceremony than do the indigenous sources. The hill-Makasars submitting themselvcs to the Company then made the following declaration: "We [... ] declare to his esteemed honour [the Go\'ernor] that it was very agreeable to us to hear [your words], and it is for this reason that we came to Bone and sought refuge with the grandson of our previous kings [Sultan Ahnlad as-Salleh] in order to accept him as the king of Go\\'a. ~10reo\'er. we arc


convinced that the Company and Bone will never separate from each other. Therefore it would be possible that our king [Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh] could bring us to the Company again in order, as before, to maintain the contents of the Bongaya contract and to follow it. So to that end, we, in accordance with the law of Gowa, submit ourselves to the law of Bone [... ]. So, we request from God that the Company and Bone allow us to keep our land's law as before and for no change to be made in it." (ANRI Mak.419/1:1 st July 1790) In spite of the great difficulties in these negotiations, the Governor in his report took what little solace he could from the degradation of 'the proud Makassars' who


made to sit on the ground in front of him and the king of Bone in an unprecedented act of humiliation (ANRI MakA19/1:1 st July 1790). Yet the symbolic value of the ceremony of submission was considerable; the practice of making conquered enemies swear an oath of allegiance and obedience was not uncommon amongst the natives of South Sulawesi. In arrogating the tradition, the Company sought to bolster its status as the supreme proprietor of the region, in a manner meaningful to the local inhabitants.

4.4.5 The issue of the sudang: A hidden agenda Within two weeks of the hill-Makasars' agreement with the Company, on 15 th of July 1790, the Governor received a letter from the Bone court, which he describes as containing many trivialities, but with a veiled objective that was transparent to him. The aim was to place Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's son on the throne of Gowa and to place the royal ornaments of Gowa in the Boniers' safekeeping for as long as he (the son of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh) was still too young to reign (ANRI Mak.4 19/1; ANRI Mak. 117 No.26). This issue, of placing Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's son on the throne of Gowa, had been raised two years earlier, on 24th January 1788, when on being questioned whom the Arumpone would like to be king of Gowa, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had answered that he th

envisaged his son or nephew occupYing the throne (ANRI Mak. 14c:24 January 1788). This advocacy of his son as a suitable ruler seems intended to present himself. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, as the most qualified candidate. He emphasises his son's youth and inexperience, and thus, for as long as the boy is too young to rule lawfully. the need for an adult guardian to take interim responsibility for his office as king of Gowa, and to be the interim keeper of the sudang (ANRI Mak.ll 7 No.26; A1VRl Mak.l 17 No.28). The plan to nlake his young son ruler of Gowa was a strategy for expanding his influence in the political realm, by becoming the ruler of Gowa in practice if not in name. In the same letter. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh suggests that the quickest route to unity within Gowa \\'as for the Company firstly to recognise the hill-Makasars' allegiance to him. and then to


instruct the Makasars of Mangasa (those who followed Karaeng Bontolangkasa) to join him as well, arguing that their laws require them to follow him. Finally, the Company must demand from Karaeng Bontolangkasa the royal ornament of Gowa in the latter's possession (ANRJ Mak.117 No.28:408-9). th

On 17

July, two days after he received this letter, the Governor received Sultan

Ahmad as-Salleh and his party. The Arumpone requested to speak to the Governor in private, except for the presence of interpreter Billet, and they retired to the Governor' s office, where Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh asked for the door and windows to be closed and locked. He spoke to the Governor of his intention to appoint his son as ruler of Gowa, and to keep the royal ornaments in his possession until such time as the boy came of age. To the Governor, the Arumpone's object was transparent: while his son was a minor. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh would be the effective king of Gowa. Moreover, it was to be anticipated that when the time came to give the ornaments over to his son. he would exploit all possibilities for postponing the event, or even dethrone his son, should the latter not rule as he wished him to. And should his son die prematurely. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh would claim the kingdom of Gowa (ANRJ Mak.117 No.32:433). In reply, the Governor categorically rejected Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s claim to have been chosen by the Makasars as their lawful ruler, because the state was also made up of the Makasars who followed Karaeng Bontolangkasa, and he had only been accepted by a small minority of its inhabitants (ANRJ Mak.117 No.32:436). On this issue, however, they reached an impasse. On 2ih May 1794 the Governor sent a letter to the Arumpone reprehending him for the fact that the hand over of the sudang and other royal ornaments had taken place in a "scandalous and treacherous fashion" (ANRJ Mak.144b/2 No.55:121). The Dutch were also angry with the hill-Makasars' having sought to gain forgiveness from the Company through Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's intervention (ANRI Mak.144b/2 No.55).

Given the constant rebuttal of his demands by the Company, the reliability of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's account is questionable. For example, we read in his diary entry on 24 th July 1790 that, accompanied by the nobles of Bone and Gowa, he went to see the Govenlor and had a private discussion with him in his office. He quotes the Governor verbatim as finally having conceded: HThe Company has no choice but to legalise your position as the Karaeng of Gowa because you have been selected hy the people of Gowa, as witnessed by the Company. And therefore. Karaeng Mangasa is not the ruler." (D.-1S:f.113v) 77 77


The Dr.\! dates their meeting on 26 July 1790:


However, this version of events is strongly contradicted by the Goyernor's own report, which characterises their meeting as fraught, and the Arumpone's demeanour as irritable. According to the report, the Governor twice suggested that the Maqdanrang and Commandant Staringh should also be present, and twice the Arumpone refused to admit them. According to the Governor, the Arumpone lost his temper, stating amongst other things that the Makasars pestered him daily, and that their choice of him as their king had been expressed both in writing and orally. When his responsibility to gi\"e the ornaments to the Company was pointed out to him, the Arumpone angfily interj ected that the ornaments had been offered to Reijke, but had been turned down by the latter (A}vRJ Mak.419/1:24 th July 1790).

After a further exchange In which the king's replies are characterised by the Governor as 'prickly', Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh asked to be recognised as the king of Gowa, but this was refused. The Governor declared categorically that he could not agree to his request, for Bone and Gowa were two kingdoms and could not be ruled by one king (Mak.117 No.47). He therefore advised him to put these ideas out of his head, or find himself in breach of the Bongaya Contract. This point about the impossibility of ruling both countries at once was a new development in the Company's rhetoric. and would be a bone of contention for years to come. Even as late as 1794, the issue of dual rulership remained current (ANRI Mak.144b/2:21-24). In any event, the confrontational meeting of 24 th July 1790 as described by the Dutch sources is a complete contradiction of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's account of the Governor's magnanimous gesture of conceding the crown to him. Evidently one of the two accounts is to some extent fabricated, and I would suggest that, given the function of the royal diary in Bugis society, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had much to gain by entering his own version of events in his diary, in order to endorse his political power. th

An Addendum found in the king's diary under the year 1788, but dated 18 January 1794, summarises the discussion that took place when Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was asked by the head interpreter of the Company to elucidate his propositions concerning the successor to the throne of Gowa (DAS:f.l 02v-l 03r). Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh promised to appoint a suitable successor as soon as possible; however, this promise \\"as not fulfilled. a failure which would appear to be sYmptomatic of a wider strategic prognunme of procrastination and deferment designed to huy time for his son to reach "We. the nobles of Bone and Gowa accompanied the Arumpone to the fort to see the Gtwernor. to clarify to the Governor that the Arumpone is now the Kartl(~ng of Gowa." (D:T.U:f.l 03r) The discrepancy in dates would suggest that either a mistake was made by the author of D:T.\/. or a second meeting took place two days after the lcing's meeting with the Go\"ernor as recorded in his diary"


maturity and to keep the regalia in the Arumpone's possession. The Company had long since anticipated that the Arumpone would take this course of action~ in a letter addressed to Willem Beth (the successor of Barend Reijke, who had finished his tenn in May 1790), the Governor-General in Batavia wrote: 78 "This man [the Arumpone] has fonned a fixed plan just as we have already noticed in the previous year, to wear out the Company, make it buckle under the pressure and eventually make us tired and force us to subject [ourselves] to the local conflicts." (ANRl Mak.14f619) In July 1791


the Company's records state that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh came to see

Governor Beth, accompanied by his eldest son and his nobles. The Arumpone later met in private with the Governor and the interpreters from both parties. The growing suspicions of the Company concerning Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s contrivances became clear when he was confronted by the Governor with the following questions: "Do you deny that you have designs on the throne of Gowa? [ ] Do you have the royal ornaments in your possession? [ ] Were you not the protector of the enemy of the Company? [... ] Do you not agree that you cannot be the king of Bone and Makassar at once, yet you say in the same breath that you are the descendant of the previous king of Gowa and also because the Makasars gave you the royal ornaments? [... ] Did they bring you the ornaments in a buoyant state or did they bring you the royal ornaments in defeat when they realised they could not stand up to the Company?" (ANRI Mak.144b/l:340) He did not reply directly to these questions, but instead related how, when he was given the regalia, he had informed the previous Governor, Mr. Barend Reijke. He alleged that the ex-Governor Reijke had tried to take the royal ornaments from him by force, and had threatened him with war ships ifhe refused to surrender them (ANRl Mak.144b/l:34 1).

4.4.6 The sudang: A drawn-out affair For a further year, little progress was made. A letter sent by the Bone court on 21 5t February 1793 once again highlighted the Arumpone's aspiration, stating the Makasars' continued desire to have the Arumpone as their ruler (AiVRI Mak.119 \;0.26). In response to the letter from Bone, some nine days later. the Governor replied ingeniously. This appears to be a secret letter sent by the Governor-General to Goyernor \\' illem Beth in respons~ to lh a letter sent on 14 April by the latter. Although the year is not stated, based on its contents I presume that it was written circa 1791. th 7Q The Ar"mpone's diary records that he went to see the Governor on 16 July 1791 (DAS:f 120\'). 7S


manifesting a willingness to yield to the king's demand to appoint his son as the ruler of Gowa. Governor Beth now entertained the possibility of the king of Gowa abdicating the throne, emphasising, however, the need for him (the king of Gowa) to do so willingly (ANRJ Mak.119 No.2?). Two weeks later, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh sent another letter to the Governor, speculating that the king of Gowa would be prepared to step down if he saw that this would make his country happy. The Governor audaciously suggested that both parties send a messenger to Karaeng Bontolangkasa to advise him it would be in his best interests to abdicate and to return to his previous residence VLVRI Mak.119 No.28). In a letter of response, dated 13 th May 1794, Diederick Deethout, the

senior interpreter representing the Governor, stated that the Company could not object to the Makasars if they continued to insist on having the Arumpone as ruler of Gowa. However, this was conditional on the demand that the present ruler of Gowa, Karaeng Bontolangkasa, should step down from the throne willingly, and a fair and sincere election be held to decide who should succeed to the throne of Gowa. Nonetheless. it seems that the demand may not have materialised, since, according to Deethout, the election had not yet taken place (ANRJ Mak.144b/2 No.56:126-7). The issue of the sudang was a prolonged affair, hampered by the unwillingness of either side to compromise. Why did the Company insist that the sudang be returned to it? The one underlying motive we can glean from the Dutch sources is the concern of the Netherlanders to prevent the 'brutaale inlanders' -

the impudent natives -


undermining their authority. It was imperative for the Company to be closely involved in the administration and execution of all elections in the ally


in practice, this

meant the Company had to be kept informed at every stage of the process: not only did it approve the need for an election and the means by which it was to take place, but the new ruler, once elected, had to be recognised and endorsed by the Company. An important aspect was the conferment of the royal ornaments on the new king, which had to occur for his position to be lawful. In this case, the Company insisted moreover that the sudang must be given over to the rightful ruler by the Company and Bone acting in unison, and by no means could the Arumpone transfer it directly to the new ruler of Gowa (ANRJ Mak.95c:26 th June 1790; ANRJ Mak.419/1:26 th June 1790). Nevertheless. the regalia and some royal ornaments in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's possession were not handed over to the Company, even after the Arumpone's death in 1812 (BL Board's Collection F/4/557).

In Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary, which continues until 1795, only one further entry mentions the subject of the sudang and the issue of the succession to the throne of Gowa. On 26 th February 1795 the Arumpone writes that he was informed about the


arrival of a letter from the Governor, brought by the senior interpreter. asking the people of Gowa to come together to appoint their ruler. He notes in the diary his intention to give a neutral reply to the letter:

"I will not object to the Governor's desire and neither do I want [to agree to] it. [Because] if I were to call an election. they might think that my request does not conform to the custom, and if I try to stop them, who knows [if] they wi 11 think that I am insisting on staying on the throne of Gowa. [therefore], the people of Gowa will not disregard the law." (DAS:f.15Or) Although Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary ends in 1795, the issue of the sudang, and correspondingly of his claim to rule Gowa, remained contentious until his death in 1812, when he was succeeded by his eldest son Muhammad Ismail Mohtaruddin Arung Palakka. Thomas Stamford Raffles states that on 25 th July 1812 he tried to persuade Arung Palakka to surrender the sudang to him, but the new Arumpone remained adamant (ANRl Mak.265/2). Almost two years later, on 6th June 1814, under the pretext that some

followers of Arung Palakka had murdered a native interpreter in British employ, the British gave Arung Palakka an ultimatum of ten hours in which to acknowledge British supremacy in South Sulawesi and to surrender the sudang. 80 The Arumpone refused to do either, and, in advance of the British troops who stormed his palace at Bontoalaq, fled with a small following overland to the mountain regions north of Maros, leaving the sudang and other regalia into the hands of Datu Soppeng. These the Datu Soppeng gave

to Arung Mampu, the brother of the Batara Gowa Amas Madina, who surrendered them to the English government in Makassar (BL Board's Collection F/4/557:fols 1-22; BL RajJles Collection V:fols 7-18; Abdul Razak d.k.k. 1989:224-28, 1993 :88; Friedericy

1933:495-96). The sudang was entrusted to I Mappatunru' Karaeng Lembangparang when he was elected as the king of Gowa (Mattulada 1998:328). Under the terms of the Settlement of Makassar in 1816, the British returned Makassar and the northern districts back to the Dutch.

4.5 Summary and conclusions DAS does not provide us with a straightforward account of the struggle for the throne

of Gowa and the possession of its regalia. Rather. the actions and involvement of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh have to be gleaned from a number of oblique and occasionally direct references to I Sangkilang and the regalia. In his diary there exists an unmistakable se1fKeen to exploit the region. the British had long been angling for an excuse to wage war on Bone. Hence the Boniers' rejection of British rule sen'ed as a welcome justification to attack the kingdom (Bastin 1l)54:114). 80


consciousness exemplified by the various omissions and embellishments I have touched upon. I have argued that the very act of beginning to write the diary was for Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh a political one, in anticipation of the new role that he would fulfil after the death of the old king. As Arumpone, his first responsibility was to carry out the customary rituals, lasting one hundred days, to honour the deceased king. Other administrative affairs requiring his attention were, perhaps conveniently, mostly postponed until after the mourning period. It was upon his return to Bone that the real business of politics began for him. His diary served primarily as a repository for the pronouncements he made to his subjects, allies and vassals, and of their pledges of allegiance to him. Cross-referral with the Dutch sources paints a far more complete picture than the diary does on its own. Especially where the Dutch account differs from the diary, more machiavellian aspects of his persona are revealed. His tacit collusion with I Sangkilang, the slow germination of his plan to claim entitlement to the throne of Gowa, and the subsequent adaptations to that plan, all of which can be inferred from cross-reference to other sources, manifest Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's character as cautious, confident and cunning. Particularly in dealing with the Dutch he is wary of outside interference: he plays his cards close to his chest. Indisputably the diary contains much objective historical fact, and is an important source document. At the same time, it is questionable to what extent Sultan Ahmad asSalleh manipulates information to his advantage, as we have seen in relation to his politics. The measure of objectivity in his diaries may become easier to gauge after examining what the diary contributes to our understanding of the local economy of Bone and its surroundings, which I explore in the next chapter.


Chapter Five The Diary as a Historical Text: Economic Events

"[... ] There exist no rich archives which allow the historian to know in depth the state of society as a whole, the workings of the economy, the details of daily life, the evolution of customs and mentalities. The only local sources that may cast new light on particular issues are perhaps certain diaries kept at the courts of the princes, in which they relate the daily facts and events." (pelras 1981:153)



In this chapter, I will consider what infonnation on the economy of Bone can be extracted from Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary. My study will focus on the inner circle at court and its involvement in economic activities. Where possible, I will contrast the infonnation from DAS with contemporary Dutch sources and other Bugis diaries.


The economy of the Bugis: An introduction

The agricultural economy of South Sulawesi must be considered in the context of the social relations of agricultural producers and patrons. The social organisation of South Sulawesi was marked by a pYramidal hierarchy, at the apex of which was the king, followed by his nearest relatives, the crown prince and other princes of the royal family, and subsequently the distinct group of ''princes born of lower queens". The leading offices of state were held by close relatives of the king, for the obvious purpose of stabilising and strengthening his administration (Millar 1989; Mattulada 1998). I Other members of the state apparatus were the judges, the king's advisors, the spokesmen, the king's confidants, the revenue collectors such as the jennang (B.,) who managed the royal property, and other nobles, anakarung (B.). The next echelon of society consisted of the freemen who were obliged to pay homage, kasuwiyang2 (B.), to is related to the 'pa/ilik kawin-mawin' (Id.), a network of intermarriage among the upper echelons for political reasons as well as for the purpose of maintaining royal status. Schiel (1985) states that there exist some parallels between social organisations in South Sulawesi and the Polynesian Chieftainships. 2 Niemann defines the meaning of kasuwiyiang as homage, tribute, subservience or allegiance (Adatrechlbundels 1929:221). 1 This

99 their superiors, by means of either a financial contribution or paYment in kind. The most subordinate stratum consisted of slaves defined by Sutherland as "those \\"ho 'belonged' to someone, who had limited social and legal rights, and could be bought and sold." (Sutherland 1983b:263) Pelras' study (1996) provides a valuable account of the pYramidal feudal structure as the pivotal mode of social organisation in South Sulawesi. Although the indi\'idual political systems of the Bugis exhibit some common traits, their organisation was by no means uniform. For example, the kingdoms of Wajoq and Bone were composed of confederations of a number of smaller areas of territorial and political unity, of varYing size and importance. These self-governing social units were called 11'anUa (B.) or sometimes akkarungeng (B.), 'a place with an arung'. The wanua had its own institutions, subdivisions and sometimes even dependencies, child l1'anua (anaq H'anua, B.), each with its own arung (Pelras 1996:176-9). For example, within Wajoqs confederation, Tosora was the core wanua, and its relationships with Wajoq and with other wanua are set out in written bilateral agreements. 3 Each wanua retained its own jurisprudence, bicara (B.), and its own customs, adeq (B.). The wanua received protection and advice from the suzerain in exchange for fulfilment of a number of obligations stipulated in the agreement, for example tributes in kind, designated services, or the provision of a specified number of armed men in case ofwar.


In a patrimonial or prebendel state such as Bone, the hierarchical relationship between the lowest territorial units and the great kingdoms, in existence since the earliest times, engendered the need for noblemen (arung) to gain supporters in order to climb the ladder of political office. The relationship between lord and follower, patron and client, was voluntary in nature and based only on an implicit contract, and could be ended at any time. Unless the client was in debt to his patron, he could at any time shift

Andaya explains that such relationships between various socio-political units would be expressed in terms of the subjection of a dependant to a master, the attachment of a retainer to his leader, the dependence of a child on his mother, or the alliance between brothers of equal status or between an elder and a younger sibling. For more information on these relationships, see Andaya (1978:275-95) . .j Originally, the kingdom of Bone had been a confederation similar to Wajoq but the central authority of the realm, the core wanua, had become stronger than in any other Bugis state The selection of the king, Ammpom} and the Chief Minister, Tomarilalang, was made by the Council of the Seven Lords. Adeq Pitu (8.). James Brooke, visiting Bone in 1843, observed that: "The constitution is name rather than a reality at present: the country, as far as I observe, being reduced under the despotic S\\'ay of the patamkOln; (sic.: Petta Mangkauq). The pO\\'er of the monarch seems to ha\"e no limit: none can approach him on terms of equality, sa\'e the Aru [sic.:Anmg] .\faloa of \Vajoq and the Datu of Soping. The authority delegated to him to his minister appears equally arbitrary and the Am Pitu - the great council - is a mere tool in his hands." (Brooke 1~·B: 133-4) 3


allegiance to another arung. The complexity of these attachments was remarked upon by Raffles, who mentions: "The Bugis attach themselves to their chiefs principally for their own convenience, but in some cases they have evinced a devoted fidelity. They often change their chief, but scarcely any thing can induce them to betray the chief they have left [... ] Their minor associations are held together by all the attachment and warmth which distinguished the clans of North Britain." (Raffles 1820:clxxxiii - clxxxxiv) The patron-client relationships which underpinned the Bugis social system ensured a flow of goods downwards in return for an upward flow of services. The financial burden on the high-ranking noble families was considerable: they had to support in their houses a large number of people including slaves, servants, dependant followers, messengers, ladies-in-waiting, and kinsfolk both close and distant, all of whom had to be provided with food, and sometimes clothing. High-ranking families engaged in economic activities in order to fulfil these practical needs, as well as to signify their wealth and their political status. Lineton (1975) shows that one of the main tasks of the traditional leaders was the redistribution of wealth. Still in evidence as recently as the mid-twentieth century, it was the practice that some goods received by members of the nobility, either as an income linked to offices they held or on the occasion of particular celebrations, would be immediately redistributed, or stored to be distributed later as needed. Hence, while the Bugis nobles were not primarily a landed class, there was a link between political power and control over land, in that the Bugis upper class obtained its wealth from collective access to political offices to which specific sources of income were attached. Caldwell (1995 :398-99) provides evidence that royal lands could be given as fiefs to senior Minister of States, who were usually the ruler's close relatives. From the yields of paddy records in DAS, it is clear that a small privileged elite owned or controlled large areas of fertile agricultural land. Sources of income included the produce of certain lands, forest tracts and fisheries, percentages of the yields of other lands, and taxes on crops, markets, gambling, and goods entering harbours (Pelras 1996: 186).

5.1.2 Description of agricultural produce In carrying out a review of past scholarship on the economy of South Sulawesi, the gaps in knowledge are striking. Most historical accounts on South Sulawesi are derived fron1 Western visitors, and as such are somewhat superficial accounts that fpcus on the

101 types of crops, many of which were entirely novel to them, rather than the mechanisms of economic activity proper. Nonetheless, they do provide an insight into traditional agricultural activity, as well as the increasing commercial exploitation of the region. The earliest external accounts are of Portuguese origin, and date from the sixteenth century.s The earliest European visitors to the country all eulogised its fertility~ and marked out the main product of South Sulawesi as rice, a description which applies as much in the present day as it did in the sixteenth century. We learn, too~ that rice had been exported to Malacca since at least 1511 (Cortesao 1944:285). Although the trading of rice to the Portuguese did not last long, South Sulawesi became a regular supplier to the Portuguese after relations were re-established in 1559 (Pelras 1981: 157). The Dutch, who arrived in 1605, recorded how bountiful Makassar was: "Makassar is a good ground for rice which grows there in abundance; and which can be clearly seen when one sails along the coastlines, especially in the months of March~ April, May and June, when it is still in the fields [... ] Further inland, there are pleasant groves of coconuts, which are planted in rows and which provide very agreeable shade for protecting oneself from the blazing heat of the sun." (Van Soldt 1605:82 , quoted in Pelras 1981: 156) Aside from the locally grown foodstuffs, which included all sorts of fruits and vegetables, other produce grown or collected for profit mentioned by these early sources were indigo and tree resins. An account from 1609 shows that various exotic crops were introduced during this period, as it mentions the presence of sweet potatoes and tobacco (Pelras 1981: 157). Although they are not mentioned, other New World crops introduced to South Sulawesi included chili, groundnuts and maize following the arrival of the Portuguese and the Spaniards. Animal husbandry was an important economic activity. Buffaloes were reared to work the land as well as for their meat~ though buffalo meat was mainly eaten on festivc occasions and also carried a symbolic value, indicating submission when given as a gift (ANRI Nfak.95: 13 th November 1789; DAS:f.114v). In 1609 the Dutch recorded fifty to sixty buffaloes belonging to a single owner. In earlier times, the animals reared for consumption would have included pigs. It is recorded in 1559 that much pork was consumed, but that by 1607 the princes of Talloq and Gowa, who had recently con\'crted

:' Of these. two are of particular importance, namely that of Antonio de Paiva in 1542-43 and 1544: and that of Manuel Pinto (Pelras 1981: 154). Other accounts include Tome Pires (Cortesao 1(44) and Coutl) ( 1779).

102 to Islam, were making it more difficult to procure (Pelras 1981: 157). Goats and chickens were also bred for consumption; the absence of cows was commented upon by western visitors, although this animal is mentioned twice in the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh (DAS:f.88r; f.98v). A wide range of game and poultry could also be found in South

Sulawesi: venison, boar, partridge, pheasants, peacocks, herons, chickens, domestic and wild ducks, and woodpigeon. Working animals included horses, used as pack animals to cross the mountains. An account in Couto (1779:86) even speaks of elephants.


Trade and commodities

Among the products for export, the woven goods of South Sulawesi commanded considerable acclaim across the archipelago. In 1544 Paiva (Pelras 1981:15: Jacobs 1966:285) made particular note of white cloth, which was probably cotton. Around 1600, however, it was silk fabric that was making a reputation for the country, as it still does today.


The Bugis and Makassar people were also reported to be skilled

metalsmiths; Pires mentions the importation of a little gold (Cortesao 1944:285), while Couto (1779:86) cites copper, iron and lead. 7 Linked to this craft in an English report of 1605 are precious commodities such as tortoise-shell,8 red semi-precious stones and 'magic stones', gall stones that form in the stomachs of certain animals (Pelras 1981: 159). D' Ataide noted that Makassar did not produce spices, but that the people of South Sulawesi understood very quickly the interests they had in serving as a gobetween in the commerce between Makassar and the neighbouring islands (Pelras 1981: 160). 9 In 1511 Pires speaks from hearsay of relations between the 'isles of Makassar' and Java, Borneo, Malacca, the coast between Pahang and Siam, and Siam itself. It is difficult to determine who were the agents of this commerce between the Asiatic continent and South Sulawesi and its surrounding islands. D' Ataide tells us in 1534 that several small boats came from os maca9ares, to start out for Malacca, although it is not certain that their crews were Makasars or Bugis (Pelras 1981: 164). Elsewhere, Pires (Cortcsao 1944:227) describes Bajau sailors from Sulawesi. 1o The many different types Textiles are discussed in Chapter 6.8.2. 7 Although neither lead nor copper was extracted locally, the Bugis and Makasars have long been skilled iron-, brass- and coppersmiths. 8 In the DAS, turtle-shells were mentioned as being used by the people of Bajoe as a form of payment of the . klls"w~\,ang'. Bajoe is situated near the coastal area of Bone; it is thus likely that the inhabitants were in\"ohed in fishing. Q Trading contact with the outside world is demonstrated by the numerous finds of Chinese. Thai and Vietnamesl' ceramics dating from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century (Hadimuljono and \ lacknight 1983:66-80). 10 The ships in which the people of South Sulawesi came to ~1ala((a and \\·hich Pires called "large and well-built", were called pengajal'as by the nati"es, a term Sopher (1977:322) compares to the \lalay 6

103 of ships mentioned in western accounts suggests that the Bugis and the Makasars have sailed for many centuries, but it is unclear how early they began maritime exploration. and what distance they covered (cf. Forrest 1792:76, 80). In 1621 the increasingly large place occupied by the Makasars in commerce was noted (Pelras 1996: 139). and the development of their fleet gained momentum from that point onward. 11 Bugis maritime commerce, which was developed by the Bone people of Cenrana. Bajoe and Kajuara, and most of all by Wajoq navigators sailing from Lake Tempe (Pelras 1996:254), did not, however, truly come into its own until the fall of Makassar in 1666-7. One of the main exports of South Sulawesi was slaves. Sutherland (1983 :264) lists the function of the slaves; in addition to providing armed men of fixed loyalty and for domestic and subsistence production, it was also ceremonial. 12 In the history of Bone, war was waged between La Maqdarammang (1631-1644), the thirteenth Arumpone. and his mother because he wanted to abolish the system of slavery. The Queen Mother rejected his plan of abolition and was supported in this by most of the nobles of Bone. in defence of the established way of life whereby slaves were relied upon to perform agricultural and housekeeping tasks, and also functioned as a commodity for barter. Eventually, with the aid of the king of Gowa, La Maqdarammang was defeated (Abdul Razak et aI1989:118-9; Mattulada 1998:198-200, Andi Muhammad Ali 1986:33-4).


DAS on the economy of Bone

DAS provides information on the agricultural economy of Bone, the slave trade, and

the practice of bequests to and from the king. Direct references to economic activities and transactions are very few; it is unclear whether it was simply the case that the king was not required to be actively involved in managing his revenues because particular court officials would do it for him. It is possible that there exist separate diaries, written

panjajab or penjajap. This latter word, according to Winstedt (1959:140) means a type of Bugis war ship. In his Bugis dictionary, Matthes (1874: 124) gives pancaja' as the name of a type of ship, without further details. Couto (1779:87) cites the names of three types of boat; pelang, lopi andjojoga. II Two basic kinds of sailing craft exist among the Bugis: the dug-out canoe (/epa-Iepa, B.) and the planked boat (/opi, B.). The development of Bugis boat building eyol\'ed over a considerable period, its progress synchronous with the development of iron technology. From the seyenteenth to the end of the nineteenth century, the typical Sulawesi ship was the paduwakang or padewakang, a1st) known as lmngkang, as noted in DAS. It comes in two types, long or short. according to the shape of the hull (Macknight 1980: 117-28). Horridge (1979:26-32) explains the eyolution of the padewakang, in tenns of rigging. For further infonnation on the different types of Bugis yessels, see also ~lacknight and Mukhlis (1979:271-82). 12 Perhaps we might consider the following 1609 account of the Philippine islands as quoted by Reid (1983b: 157) with regard to slayery in South Sulawesi: "These slayes constitute the main capital and wealth of the nati\'es of these islands. since they are both \'ery useful and necessary for the working of their fanns. Thus they are sold, exchanged and traded. just like any other article of merchandise."

104 by such officials, perhaps currently in private ownership in the Bugis lands. which have yet to come to light. I have been able to obtain only one such additional source relevant to the region, the DJM, which covers the period 1780 to 1785, and \\-as written by one of the court officials, the jennang of Maros. This forms a valuable source of information on the processes, both agricultural and economic, that are involved in the culti\Oation of rice, from which the majority of the court's revenue would have derived.

5.2.1 Subsistence agriculture: The cultivation of wet-rice As indicated earlier, the earliest foreign visitors to the region were struck by its fecundity, and the vast expanse of paddy fields clearly visible from some kilometres out at sea. Then, as now, rice was the main produce of the island. Other staple foods tubers, maize, bananas - were available to the Bugis to complement, and sometimes even temporarily to replace, rice following a poor harvest, but since the beginning of their written history rice has been central to the Bugis agricultural economy. Outside the wet rice cultivation season, during the time in between the rice harvest and the monsoon, other staple foods would be cultivated on the rice fields. From the diary we learn that the king had the following crops cultivated on his lands: maize (DAS:f48r, f82v~

f.112v); sweet potatoes (DAS:f.IOOv; DTM:f.102v); cassava (DAS:f.146v);









DTM:fI02r); chilli peppers (DAS:f.127v); and long beans (DAS:fI45v). Fruits that

were not grown for the king on his lands were obtained by other means: citrus fruits (DAS: f. 34r, f.90v) and lychees (DAS:f.135r) were imported from China, whilst fruits

such as durian 13 (DAS:f.35r, f.lOlr) and langsat 14 (DAS:f.lllv, f150v) were supplied from the orchards of the neighbouring nobles. However, the overwhelming majority of economic transactions recorded in DJM are related to the sale of rice, paddy, and slaves, and the letting and taxing of agricultural lands controlled by the nobility. From DAS we observe that the management of the king's paddy fields was delegated to the jennang, a lower ranking official who also functioned as a revenue collector or overseer (mandur, Id.). The importance of these officials charged with the management l5

of the king's goods and income is evident: the pajejennangeng were likened to 'the king's flesh' (Matthes 1885:248). DAS reveals there are various types of jennang with local areas of responsibility: the jennang salrah. in charge of managing the king's I.~ Durian is a large fruit with a spiky skin and pungent yellowish flesh_ In Southeast Asia it



the .King of fruits'_ 14 Langsat is a type of berry that grows in grape-like bunches. It has a :,\\~~t-sour taste. 15 P(/;cjennllngeng. according to Matthes (1874:464). is 'in Bone. a title for tho:,\? who are charged by the king with the management of his incolll\? and goods..


agricultural lands (DAS:t:5Ov); the jennang bola, in charge of housekeeping at the palace, and who was also responsible for the welfare of the king's men and slaves (DAS:fols 45v; 63r); and the jennang pasar, who was responsible for the management

of trade and the well-being of the traders in the markets (DAS:f.68v). They were presided over by the jennang cilaong of the region. I6 It is not clear from the diary whether these lands were the king's alodial property (tanah pusaka) or lands of which he had the right to a part of the produce, and the labour of its people. As many entries in the king's diary relate, the jennang of Maros 17 was responsible for managing the king's lands located in Makassar. The office of jennang Maros appears to have been a senior post for all jennang outside Bone, for several times the DJM mentions that it is within his remit to order another jennang to carry out duties

such as bringing the king's revenues to the palace (DAS:f.8v; DJM:f.5r). This seniority is understandable, due to Maros' prominence as a wet-rice producing area, then and to the present day. The main duty ofthejennang Maros was to keep the king informed of his revenues. For example, on 7th July 1775, about a month after Sultan Ahmad asSalleh was elected king, the jennang Maros came to see him: "The jennang of Maros came to report to me that the net income for Batu Malimpung is 3000 [bundles of paddy] and that the sedekah [zakat, Ar.] 18 (tithe) has been paid." (DAS:t:8v) The vast areas of paddy fields which belonged to the king and other aristocrats would be leased by small rice-growers; the yield would supply the growers with their basic needs, and some surplus for resale. The dependence on buffaloes for ploughing and the importance attributed to them is apparent from the huge number of beasts needed to plough the king's rice fields: 8th Februaryl780: "[The rice-fields at] Batu Malimpung were ploughed by ninety pairs of buffaloes [...]." (DJM:f.2r) Traditionally, pajejennangeng cilaong, would have been the man who introduced the Boniers to Mata Silompoe, the first king of the realm who descended from heaven, and who later departed the mortal world to higher spheres. The possessor of the title would probably be a descendant of that pajejennang, and still closely connected to the king. He had responsibility for everything that was taken by the king's lance, i.e. that which was conquered, whether it be territory, people or anything else. He also collected all the fruits of the land for the king, to deliver them to him upon his request: rice, salt, vinegar, betel leaves, areca nuts, kemiri-nuts, etc. (Adatrechtbunde/s 1929:248). 17 Maros is situated in the western coast of South Sulawesi. The undulating topography allowed the cultivation of wet rice. Most rice fields were exclusively rain-fed until fairly recently when man-made irrigation was introduced. Today, Maros is one of the main rice producing areas in South Sulawesi. 18 Zakat is a fixed proportion of the wealth and of all kinds of property that a Muslim is liable to pay yearly for the benefit of the poor in the Muslim community. The payment of zakat is obligatory as it is one of the five pillars of Islam (Muhammad Muhsin and Muhammad Taqiuddin 2001:795). 16

106 5t

31 January 1789: "Batu Malimpung was ploughed. I went to inspect the workers [ploughing his (the Arumpone's) rice-fields]. I ordered to count the numbers of buffaloes [for the ploughing]. fifty pairs in total." (DAS:f.1 03v) Similarly, an entry in the UMLIB MS. Mik. 7 reports the use of a large number of buffaloes to plough the rice fields: "[And] so I ordered work to start on the king of Bone's paddy fields called Batu Malimpung at Maros. Therefore, one hundred and ninety-seven pairs of buffaloes were used; fifty [pairs of] buffaloes [were] from the people of Palakka 19." (UMLIB MS. Mik.7:24-25io The value attached to buffaloes was such that, apart from money and horses, fines could also be paid in them (Adatrechtbundels 1919: 154). Correspondingly. the punishments set out in law for the theft of a buffalo were severe: if a buffalo was stolen and was slaughtered in a village, (Id.,) kampong, without knowledge of the head, all the inhabitants of the kampong were held to be guilty (Adatrechtbundels 1919: 160). Similarly, if a beast were to wander into someone's paddy field or kitchen garden and the owner or cultivator of the land hurt the animal, he had to pay the cost of the animal to its owner. There was also a heavy penalty for disguising the appearance of a buffalo (presumably in order to hide the fact that it was stolen) (Adatrechtbundels 1919: 175). For the nobles, buffaloes functioned as a sign of wealth. Probably for that reason, the buying and selling of buffaloes is frequently noted in the diaries, especially in the DJM and DTM, and in a number of instances in the DAS, The adat law of Bone also

stipulated that the purchase of livestock from a stranger must be witnessed by the judge or the (B..) gelarrang, the deputy regent. Such events are referred to frequently in DJi\4 and DTM with the authors mentioning settling disputes over the ownership of buffaloes, for example: 24 th November 1784: "I pursued disputes between Puang Basoq and Ambeq Baloq with regards to the ownership of seven buffaloes: because both claimants failed to produce proof of ownership. therefore each of them will get their share; the grandchild of Puan Basoq [will] obtain five buffaloes whilst Ambeq Baloq gets two buffaloes." (DJM:f.31r) Nowhere in Ul\fLIB .HS.\fik 7 is mentioned the O\\11ers of the other 147 pairs of buffaloe.;. ~o Unfortunately. with a few exceptions the UMLIB .\fSJlik 7 doe.; not provide the date.; of the event.;. It appears that this manuscript reports selected events which might have been taken from .;('\"eral l)lher diarics or There is a possibility that it was in the po.;ses.;ion of a \ lalay who lived in \ 1aka.;~ar possibly at Kampung Melayu - who might have had acce.;s to other facilitie.; in the court'.; \·icimty" It wa.; probably translated from the Bugis language into the Malay language \\Titten in the Arabic .;cript. IQ

107 th

20 January 1776: "Arung Palengoreng [was ordered to] return the buffaloes which he seized from the brother of suro 21 Pajekko [... ]." (DTM:f.2r) 21 st January 1776: "Arung Nangka [was ordered to] return three buffaloes belong to Matoa Tanatengnga which he [Arung Nangka] had seized [and for that reason] he was fined 2 real 1 suku and 7 pidde." (DTM:f.2r) Although the management of agricultural lands was entrusted to the jennang, the significance of agricultural production as an economic activity was such that the king was personally involved on occasions. In Makassar, the king reported several times having gone in person to inspect his paddy fields at Batu Malimpung in Maros to order the planting of these rice-fields and to instruct on the collections for their ground-rent. Many such examples can be found in his accounts: 1i h December 1778: "I went to inspect [my paddy fields at] Sempa In Batu Malimpung." (DAS:f.32r) 15 th March 1779: "I ordered [my] paddy fields at Batu Ma1impung to be sown. I instructed the rental fees from my paddy fields to be collected which were [from] Arung Pitu 10 [real], [I Wanana] 110 [real], the people of Wawaniwo 76 [real], the people of Banyu 40 [real], the people of Padangsetan 24 [real], the people of Sagiringang 37 [real], the people of Bonto Tengnga 19 [real], the people of Langkeang 20 [real], the people of Labuang 30 [real], the people of Bonto Padinging together with the people of Sanggaleae 20 [real], the people of Lekoaleq 30 [real]." (DAS:f.34v; DTM:f.24r) The entry for 15 th March 1779 is a rare example of his giving an account of the alTIOunt of ground rent that he had collected. Unfortunately. DAS by no means constitutes a comprehensive financial record: even where sums of money are recorded, there is little or no indication of the time period to which the paYment corresponds, nor whether payment was partial or in full. Similarly. in those instances where the yield of particular lands is given, the size of the area concerned is rarely mentioned. Lastly. records of payments make use of weights and measures which are difficult to quantify accurately.


Stiro IS . a me~~('ngl'r or page.


5.2.2 Agricultural rites and the annual cycle of rice cultivation The DJM is useful in providing us with a framework for the annual cycle of rice cultivation. From the diary we infer that the method used was wet-rice cultivation, which relied on natural irrigation during the rainy season. Beginning with the (\\'est) monsoons 22 in late September, the paddy fields were ploughed in preparation for germination throughout January and February, with the transplanting of seedlings taking place from February onward. This series of agricultural activities was recorded as it progressed, in DJM for example: th

6 January 1780: "The water [level] rose." (DJM:f.2r) 11 th January 1780: "I sowed ten gantang23 of [paddy] seeds." (DJM:f.2r) 20th January 1780: "The seeds [for germination of seedlings] were scattered at Batu Malimpung. 24 I scattered another twelve gantang." (DJM:f.2r) 8th February 1780: "[I ordered] the ploughing of the paddy fields at Batu Malimpung [I used] ninety pairs of buffaloes [to plough the paddy fields]." (DJM:f.3v) 9th March 1780: "I began transplanting [the seedlings] at Batu Malimpung." (DJM:f.3r) According to DJM, after the seedlings were transplanted to the fields, weeding took place in between the planting and the harvest


f.28v). Based upon the DJA/,

I deduce the paddy plants took about three to four months to mature and ripen. DJ.\f records the beginning of harvesting around late June of every year, although there were prolonged dry spells on occasions (DJM:f.5v). Some of the newly harvested paddy grains were made into wette (B.) or rice-flakes (emping, Id.), a traditional food among the Bugis and Makasars, and which also contributed to the king' s revenues. The

jennang of Maros records:

There are two types of monsoon: the east monsoon lasts approximately from the beginning of April to the end of August. and the west monsoon lasts approximately from September to late March. :!1 Ganrang is a traditional measurement: whereby one ganrang is equal to four cupak: a cupak I"; equiyalent to ± three kilogrammes. ~-l Batu Malimpung is regularly mentioned in DAS. DJ.\f and DT.\!, It was a popular spot for rice cultiyation. Today, Batu Malimpung is known as Batu Maklimpung and is situated in Kabupaten \lar<'". South Sulawesi. :!:!

109 27 th June 1780: "I ordered the jennang [of] Sagiring to bring twenty gantang ofwette to [the Arumponel." (DJM:f5v~ DAS:f43r)25 While the agricultural activities ofthejennang of Maros provide a rough schedule of the cultivation cycle, in actuality the exact dates for ploughing, sowing, and transplanting would have been calculated using numerology. or bilang / kutika. Most Bugis agricultural manuscripts, and the Bugis diaries, contain a codex consisting of such a bilang / kutika serving agricultural ends (DAS, DJM, DTM, DoM).26 The most auspicious days for ploughing, sowing or harvesting having been determined through the kutika, each period of agricultural activity would be inaugurated with ceremonial rites, prayers and the giving of offerings. The agricultural rites would usually be performed by the bissu (Hamonic 1975:121), or by others such as the sanro (B.). a Bugis magician, the pallontaraq (B.), a specialist in reading old documents, or even by the king himself (Maeda 1991 :539). The rite to inaugurate ploughing, mappalili ( to go round, to encircle, B.), was performed in a designated field, usually the king's rice field. The following entry from DAS refers to this event, but is economical in the information it provides: 13 th December 1780: "I went encircling my paddy-fields at Pattialae." (DAS:f46r) 7th December 1789: "[ ... ] the [initiation] rite [of ploughing] at Batu Malimpung [took place]. Barakallah [... ]." (DAS:fl09r) 13 th December 1790: . . The initiation rite at Batu Malimpung [took place]." (DAS:fl09r) Similarly succinct is an entry in DJM describing the same ritual~ however, the Bugis word used is "palelo' [N~,-$\,-$\#o,.]~ probably a corruption of'mappaliliq': 23 rd June 1782: '''Batu Malimpung was encircled [for the ploughing ritual]." (DJM:f 17v)2 Maeda (1991) writes that in the mappalili process, the sacred plough rakkala arajang (B.),is among the arajang brought to the fields. During mappalili. the sacred 2~ DAS records thatjennang Sangaringang came to the palace on 6 th July 1780, as ordered by thejennang of Maros to bring his income from Batu Malimpung, which was in the form of rice flakes (DAS:f43v). 26 Each of these diaries contains twelve pages of bilang! leu/ilea. th 27 However, on 20 November 1782. the jennang of Maros reports that he himself encircled Batu Malimpung, which suggests that in the absence of the Arompone, the mappaliliq ritual could be led b~ a th junior official (DJM:f 19r); see also DJM (29 November I783:f25r).

110 plough would be flanked by gongs, drums, spears and flags. Offerings would be prepared: various kinds of rice, fruit and cake, as well as the sacrifice of animals. 28 The absence of detailed accounts in DAS of these rites is understandable considering its intended readership; ritual practice at the time was widespread, and something with which the (Bugis) reader would undoubtedly have been familiar.

5.2.3 The labour economy The Bugis diaries DAS, DJM, DTM, and DoM show that it was customary for the Arumpone, the nobles, and the heads of Bone to possess domain grounds which were

ploughed, planted and harvested by a group of workers. The workers' tasks also included transporting the rice from the field to the palace of the Arumpone, nobles or heads. However, the diaries do not inform us whether these workers' status was that of freemen or slaves. According to Friedericy (1933:524), these groups of workers were freemen who lived close to the domain lands. Their orders from the king or head on cultivating the land would be relayed by a subhead or by particular messengers. Until the king's domain grounds had been tilled and planted, nobody in the community was permitted to begin to work on their paddy fields (Adatrechtbundels 1929:268: Friedericy 1933:524). This regulation is shown implicitly by the dates of the following entries where orders are given by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh to work on the rice-fields: 15 th March 1779: ""I ordered [my] rice-fields at Batu Malimpung to be sown [... ]." (DAS:f.34v) 8th March 1790: "I ordered [my paddy fields at] Batu Malimpung to be sown. Barakallah. After 11.00 [a.m.], all [the rice-fields] have been planted." (DAS:f.lll v) Similarly, in the DTM, there are also entries on the orders given for his paddy tields to be cultivated: 29 3rd February 1779: "I instructed my paddy fields at Laring Gellang to be planted [with seedlings]." (DTM:f.24v) 22 nd February 1779: ""I ordered (rice-fields at) Seppae to be planted [with seedlings]." (DTM:f.24v) f\laeda (19R4) has produced an elaborate explanation of the agricultural rites in Segeri and Amparita. an area in South Sulawesi. I presume that these would be similar to the ritual ceremonies practised by the B()nil~rs about two hundred years ago. 29 I deduce that these instructions were giyen after the Icing's rice fields had been culti\·ated. 28



Sultan Ahmad as-SaUeh's ownership of rice-fields

One discovery in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s diary is the detailing of his rice fields at Bone and at Makassar. Though he mentions the location of his paddy fields, their surface area and the number of rice plots at each location are not mentioned other than in a few instances. The eleven references to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's paddy fields are as follows:




Name olplace

2nd February 1779 13 th December 1780 1st February 1781 9th October1782 9th October 1782 9th October 1782 9th October 1782 30th July 1783 30th July 1783 30th July 1783 30th July 1783

Seppae, Bone Pattialae, Bone Tanruq, Bone Bukkang, Bone Lapakkanrebuleng Bone Lapatong, Bone Lamalino Lasipinceng, Timurung Telleq-Awolagading, Bone WeIado, Bone Tumaela Bulu, Timurung, Bone

Number of plots N/d N/d N/d N/d N/d N/d N/d 66 380 366 N/d

Table 5.1: Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's rice-fields in Bone (source: DAS, 1775 - 1795) The Arumpone also possessed rice-fields at Maros:



Nan,e 01Place

Number ofplots


17th December 1778 15th March 1779 16th July 1783 28 th Nov. 1784

Sempa Batu Malimpung Bontorea Bakung

N/d N/d 53 N/d

Table 5.2: Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's rice-fields in Maros (source: DJM and DAS) o other contextual data such as annual yields, the proportion of the yield that would be sent to the court, or the market value of the rice and paddy sold, can be derived from DA


112 5.2.5

The Arumpone's revenues from rice cultivation

Although we know the locations of some of the king' s paddy fields, there is no record of their precise acreage, and so it is not be possible to estimate the yield by the area or the revenue obtained from the sale of rice and paddy. Nevertheless, it is possible to obtain a rough estimate of the yield from the number of sheaves (tangkai. Id.) delivered to the Arumpone. In most entries recording the paddy he received from the jennang [or from the messenger of the jennang or other nobles], the Arumpone uses the

word 'ase' [,..,... <. 0


as in:

22 0d April 1782: "Nangka Jennang Bantaeng mpawa ase 900, realaq 30 elli ase." (DAS:£56r) (The jennang of Bantaeng came to bring paddy nIne hundred [bundles and] 30 real from the sale of paddy.) 9th April 1785: "Nangka jennang Bantaeng mpawa ase 8500, wereq 100 gantanna, kaluku 160." (DAS:£77r) (The jennang of Bantaeng came and brought paddy eight thousand five hundred [bundles], rice one hundred gantang [and] coconuts one hundred and sixty.) These are but a few of the many entries pertaining to paddy received. Matthes (1874:659) explains that when recording quantities of paddy, it is conventional to omit 'bundles' and simply to record the number. Thus, the above entries refer to a given number of bundles of paddy. However, it is unclear whether the terms 'bunches' and 'bundles' are synonymous, or whether a bundle represents a larger measure made up of a given number of 'bunches'. Matthes provides the word wasse [""<'0], defined as 'a bundle of paddy which consists of two kawerrang,30 and in the inlands of ten to five [kawerrang]. in the Government's (Dutch controlled) lands [nowadays] weighs a fixed 5 kali [of paddy].' (Matthes 1874:659) From this definition we take kawerrang to

denote the smaller bunches of which a bundle, wasse, was composed. Clearly, we are faced here with a number of variables. Although we have established that a large bundle or wasse consisted of multiple kawerrang, neither the conventional number of bunches in one bundle, nor the quantity represented by one bunch or kal1'errang can be ascertained. 31 As such, the only meaningful information we


Kawerrang means: a certain quantity of paddy tied in a bunch, a bunch of paddy (Matthes 1874:47).

In his writing on the harvesting of rice. Pelras (1996:233) says that the rice is collected into bunches. six to ten bunches making one sheaf. which yields about eight kilogrammes of paddy or grain. However. it is still unclear whether the same number of bunches were also used in rice-cultivation in the eighteenth century. 1)

11 ~

possess is the measure standardised by the Dutch, equating one Ivasse or bundle to ti\'e kati of paddy.32 On the basis that the Dutch administration le\'ied one tenth of the yield

as a tax (verthiening, D.), we can infer from a Dutch record (A.VRl .\lak.117: 1t


December 1789) that equates three gantang33 to one tenth of three hundred bunches. that one gantang equalled ten bunches. Here, we must presume that 'bunches' corresponds to kawerrang. Assuming, then, that one l-vasse is ten kaH'errang, one 1\ 'asse equals one gantang.

Matthes informs us that, in the nineteenth century at least, the

gantang took the fixed value of five kati. Thus, wasse and gantang express the same

volume of weight; five kati



one pertains to paddy on the stalk, the other to rice grains.

Based on these assumptions, I will attempt to calculate Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s revenues from paddy over a given period of time. I will combine the entries relating to paddy revenues In the DAS with the

corresponding entries in the DJM, for the period of one year, from January to December 1782, in order to arrive at an estimate of the king's revenues from rice fields during this period. This year was selected on the basis that the data found in DJM appears the most complete. The revenues were derived from several areas: Pare-pare,35 Timurung,36 Bantaeng, Bulukumba,37 and also from the area presided over by the jennang Maros.

Matthes provides no infonnation on when exactly this usage became conventional. 3_' Gantang is a kind of measure for rice grains and such like. "One large gantang used to be in Sulawesi approximately eight [kati]. a small gantang was around three and a half kati. 'Nowadays', in Makasar [in the nineteenth century], the gantang is a fixed five kati." (Matthes 1874:58) Howe\-er, this measurement. too, displays great variation, for Matthes mentions that a gantang pasoe at Banjannasin. Kutai or Kaili. was twenty kati or more. A gantang pitara, used for the priest on the occasion of the pitam (fitmh, Ar., \vhich is a gift in rice after the end of the fasting month for the priest) is four and a half kati (~tatthes 1874: 107). It can be deduced that gantang is a generic measure that displays local \·ariation. _'4 One kati equals 0.6 kilogramme. 35 Pare-pare is situated in the coastal area of the north west of t\takassar. in Kabupaten of Pangkajene Kepulauan (Pangkep). Pare-pare is the second largest city in South Sulawesi. 36 Timurun~ is one of the districts located in the interior part of Bone. about three and a half hours' journey from Watampone. _'7 Bantaeng and Bulukumba are two Kabupaten located at the southern part of South Sulawesi. 32




9/4/1782 1114/1782 22/4/1782

Pare- Pare Timurung Bantaeng

19/8/1782 1119/1782 8/12/1782

Pare-pare Bulukumba Pare-pare Total

Anlountof palldy (bundles)

Anloulltof . nee

Alnountof ",oney

500 6704 900 500 800 600 10,004

4 sacks




10 real 2 uku 30 real






4 sacks + 2 gantanx

40 real 2 uku

Table 5.3: Revenues of paddy, rice and money from Bone and other areas for the year 1782 (source: DAS)



3/1/1782 18/10/1782

Maros Maros

A'IIounl 0.(paddy (bunilles) 400 500

Alllount ofrice








Table 5.4: Revenues of paddy, rice and money from Maros for the year 1782 (source: DJM) The king's revenues recorded in these two sources for the year 1782 amount to 10,904 'bundles' of paddy, not counting a small amount of rice and a small sum of money from the sale of paddy. Taking into account that one bundle is equivalent to five

kati, therefore, the revenue of paddy for the year 1782 is 54,520 kati. This can be summarised in mathematical form: 1 bundle equals 5 kati :. 10,904 bundles equals 54, 520 kati (or 32,712 kg). Comparison with the next three years, as shown below in Table 5.5, demon trates reat inconsistency in the amounts received by the AnimpOne. This leads us to que tion hether other payments were simply not recorded, perhaps because the el e here, and

ere logged

hether this does indeed represent the full complement of the king

annual income from his agricultural lands:

11 Yellr

A,1lount of ptll/tly 3,800 bundles = 19,000 kah 1,100 bundles = 5,500 kah 8,500 bundles = 42,500 kah

1783 1784 1785

Money 60 real 40 real

Otlzers coconuts + rice + wette 220 gantang rice + wette 100 gantang rice + 160 coconuts + wette

Table 5.5: Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's revenues of paddy, rice and sales of paddy for the years 1783, 1784 and 1785 (sources: DAS and DJM)38 Because the cultivation of wet rice was the main economic activity and transactions for rice and paddy the main source of earnings, it is all the more frustrating that DA fails to show comprehensive figures relating to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh s income, as the tables above illustrate. The recorded quantities vary considerably from year to year and are quite modest. For example, the revenue of paddy for the year 1782 was sufficient to feed just seventy-five people for twelve months.

54,520 kati (paddy) 365



This is calculated as follows:

149.4 kati (paddy)

149.4 = 74.7 = 75 people. 2

From the above calculation, I surmise that the amounts recorded here were intended merely for the subsistence of those at court. Possibly, rice and paddy intended for trade were entered into a different ledger; after all, it is difficult to see how the sum of incoming cash recorded in DAS could possibly support the entire royal household. We learn from the tables that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh obtained only forty real and two suku from the sale of paddy for the year 1782 (Table 5.3), sixty real for the year 1783 and forty real for the year 1784 (Table 5.5). In these three years, most of the paddy sold came from his rice-fields at Bantaeng. He clearly obtained little money from his sales of paddy, and in relation to his spending patterns, it is a mere drop in the ocean. Whilst DA

occasionally provides information on agricultural activitie


re enues, it offers little concrete information on the sums of money in 01 ed in economic transactions. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s motivation for including information about hi

rice land

in his diary is unlikely to ha e been a desire to maintain a

For th r 17 . dat i a 'ailabl onl.' from DA . 9 On th b i t rson consurn on kat; of ric per da. '. (P rsonal communication. ProfJ sor P.



116 comprehensive financial record. Rather, these entries function as a record for posterity of the domains under his jurisdiction and of those who pay him homage or kaslIwiyang (B.), which I will discuss in due course. Hence, though it is limited in respect of providing fiscal data, the diary nonetheless furnishes an insight into various aspects of the social economy. This theme will be continued in my examination of fish farming. lands, and the slave trade.


Fish and fish farming

Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary provides us with information on both coastal fishing and freshwater fishing (fish farming) activities. Although wet-rice farming was the primary means of subsistence, fishing was no less a basic activity of the Bugis than was agriculture. Fish is a basic element of the Bugis diet: Pelras (1996:235) lists some one hundred and twenty names of fish in Pare-pare. Sutherland (1987) mentions the historical importance to South Sulawesi of fishing, and how in the course of the eighteenth century trepang (beche-de-mer, sea-slugs or sea cucumbers) became the major product of the eastern archipelago offered in exchange for imports from Amoy and Canton (Sutherland 2000:451; Sutherland and Bree 1984: 12, 19). During the eighteenth century, the number of registered boats bringing trepang into Makassar increased, from thirty in 1722-1723 to fifty-three in 1776-1777, and to eighty in 17861787. Lion comments that: "In former times fifty to sixty perahu, belonging to the king of Bone, and manned by a thousand men, sailed annually to the coast (of New Holland) and the Elliots and Northumberland islands. They brought their catch, after proper treatment at the fishing site, to Timor Kupang, where they sold it to Chinese, and then returned to Celebes [... ]."(Lion 1855:5, quoted in Sutherland 2000:469) Sutherland reports that the trepang business grew rapidly during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, both in volume and values, and that the Makasars and Bugis were involved in two major ways: as traders purchasing


and as gatherers and

processors. Strikingly, DAS provides no information of the trepang trade or any other form of commercial fishery. Fish featured as a source of food, not only for commoners. but more especially for the upper echelon of the feudal society, and particularly the ruler. Perhaps realising the potential food supply that he could gain from fish farming, the Arlimpone demanded that Mr. Van der Voort, who was the Goyemor of \1akassar at the time. allow him continue to benefit from the fishing ponds. pangempang (B.), located on the island of Kalambi. Although Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh fails to inform us of

117 the outcome of his demands, it transpires later that there were a number of other fishponds in several other places: th

20 December 1776: "I went around at Laoniq to [have a look] at the belleq... 0" (DAS:f.18r) th

7 March 1778: "I went to Pannampuq to catch bandeng [using (B.,) jala, a gill net]." (DAS:f.27v) 20th July 1779: "I went to Pannampuq to catch bolu [using a fishing-net]. I asked La Pasere to send [some] bolu to the Governor's wife." (DAS:f.36v) th

25 May 1781: "I brought along Puang Batara Tungkeq to the fish farm at Taipa, to [see the work ot] letting water into the ponds." (DAS:f.49v) Many entries found in DAS tell us that fishing was one of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s hobbies. In the diary, the types of fish that the Arumpone records eating are bandeng/ bolu and mujair (DAS:f.36v; f.50r; f.146v). He records several of the fishing spots he

uses, especially at the river estuary. At times the Arumpone was accompanied by his nobles, and occasionally his wife, Puang Batara Tungkeq, would also join him" 1: 8th June 1781: ""I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq to go fishing at Balang." (DAS:f.50r) 9th September 1794: ""I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq to collect [some fish] at Pili, opposite the estuary of north Kanrebiasa." (DAS:f.I46v)


Types of fishing equipment

The importance of fishing as a form of subsistence must not be overestimated. Whilst fish constituted a welcome source of protein to supplement the local diet, fishing had by no means been developed into a commercial enterprise. It appears, therefore, that fishing at sea or in the rivers was a private endea\'our intended only to feed one's o\\'n family. Concurrent with the cultivation of wet-rice. the paddy fields when flooded could also accommodate freshwater fish. Presumably fish entered the tields from nearby ~


Be/It;'1 is a kind of fishing trap. It is one of a kind commonly used by the people of Bug).;.


Fishing \\'as a popular pastime for 'Malay' rulers in generaL


118 rivers, although the deliberate introduction of stock to the rice fields cannot be ruled out; the fish would be caught when the fields were drained for harvesting. Any purposebuilt fish fanns (empang, B.) were privately owned by a select few; these too were operated for personal subsistence as opposed to commercial ends. The Arumpone's diary reveals that he possessed some fisheries. On the 16th July 1781. Sultan Ahmad asSalleh ordered La Musa to fann fish: "La Musa began to rear fish which I had asked him to do." (DAS:f.50v) The running and maintenance of the king's fisheries was evidently delegated to subordinates; in the above example, La Musa. However, it would seem that use of the fisheries for a finite period might also be included in favours extended to members of his following: 20 th March 1780: "The belIeq has been erected and named La Manuq-manuq. I give Puang Matoa Dasareq responsibility for its management and [pennission] to collect its revenues for a certain period of time." (DAS:f.41 v) Similarly, we know that some of the fisheries the king used did not belong to him but to the Company, usage of them having been granted to his predecessor. During his first month as the Arumpone:J. DAS records a few entries concerning the Company's demand for him to return the Company's land. Mr. Blok, during his period of office as the Governor of Makassar, had extended a number of privileges to Sultan Abdul Razak. In his written memoir in 1790, Governor Reijke outlines the consequences of his predecessor's actions: "In January 1757, the Governor, Mr. Blok had taken the island of Kalambi [and] instead [Mr Blok] had allowed that king [Sultan Abdul Razak], to have a fishery or Pangempang there for his lifetime or until further notice. However, the present king [Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh] does not only continue to use it but will also now consider that it belongs to him." (ANRl Mak. J69: 10) Several types of fish traps are listed in Matthes. but only one type, the belleq 42 is tnentioned in DAS:

42 Bellt;'j

is set on shallow coral reefs and consists of two long, converging fences of wood and bamboo, with a third one in the middle running at right angles to the coast, with a narrow opening into a circular enclosure. The tish which swim into it at rising tide cannot find their way out at ebb tide, when they can be caught with a soda or scoop-net.

119 th

20 March 1780: "The belleq was erected and was given the name La Jfanuqmanuq [... ]." (DAS:f.41 v) In addition to traps, pole and line angling was also practised. Although DAS does not mention what method he used when fishing for leisure, the pole and line method is the most likely to have been used. I also base this presumption on Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s tendency elsewhere to specify precisely what type of fish and what type of trap he uses. Frequently, the Arumpone mentions inspecting fishing traps, or uses certai 11 Bugis words such as 'majjala bolu', to catch bolu using a fishing net,43 He also reports going with his parents to Pannampuq where he ordered his people to catch bandeng using a net (DAS:f.50r). The two types of fish specified by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh are' bolli' or 'bandeng', a tasty kind of saltwater fish, and 'mujair', a freshwater fish, which he mentions on 27 th September 1794: "I went to drain the fish pond at Barebbo [... ] ten trunks of bandeng and two trunks of mujair were caught [... ]." (DAS:f.146v) On another occasion he reports catching fish using pukat, a kind of trawling net; "ulao mappukaq" (B.) [I went to catch fish using a pukat]. (DAS:f.49v) The Arllmpone

also mentions a further method of catching fish, with a panambi/~4 (DAS:f.146v). when he reports that he went to 'mappanambe' at the old estuary of Dennuang, and also at the estuary of Pall6ngu (DAS:f.49v). We know that the Arumpone liked to spend time on the water, enjoying pastimes such as fishing, boating, bathing, and picnicking by the water. Occasionally he would go hunting for crocodiles, which were common in the area: 30th July 1784 "I shot crocodiles with [my gun named] PataYl'arasa, two crocodiles at Cil6llang and one at Baku-baku." (DAS:f.71 v) 6 th December 1785 HI brought Puang Batara Tungk6q to collect tax at the estuary of Laoniq [and] I shot ten crocodiles with [my gun named] Bule TOll'ae." (DAS:f.81 r) 16th August 1790 HI boarded the ship from Ujung Tanah to go back to Cenrana. I shot seven crocodiles with Patal-varasa." (DAS:f.l 1'+1') On a few occasions, the Arllmpone reports the crocodiles' \'ictims:

·0 44

.\laifa/a in Bugis means to catch fish by usmg a fishing net that is cast out. T\1~tthes (1874:115) explains thatpanambe is like a drag net.

120 20th January 1784 "I heard news that my uncle has been eaten by a crocodile. Innalillahi wa ina ilayhi roji 'un." (DAS:f.68v) 14th September 1790 "The son of my grandmother, Puang I Warn, named La Ussu was eaten by a crocodile [... ] I ordered Datu Cinnong together with jennang Maru to go and search for La Ussu's body. His body was found at Paccelang." (DAS:f.114v)

5.2.8 Other activities relating to fisheries In some areas, fishing played a larger part in the local economy. Panyulaq, situated in the coastal area of Bone Bay, was one of the few locations for fish retailing: the

Arumpone records he went there to the fish auction,palelangnge (B.): 31 st March 1781 : "I went to Panyulaq to see fish being sold." (DAS:f.48v) The diary also reveals a number of other types of seafood, mostly molluscs, another source of protein: 2nd January 1777: "I went to Pajalele to look for shellfish [tiram (B.), oyster]." (DAS:f.19v) 9th November 1780: "I brought along Puang Batara Tungkeq to look for "mattude garigi,45 at the estuary of Nipa." (DAS:f.45v) Frequently, too, a gift of fish would be made to the Governor's wife when there was a surplus (DAS:f.36v). It also appears that other nobles would give fish to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh: 25 th October 1790: "The messenger of Karaeng Tanete came and brought me some fish." (DAS:f.115r) 17th April 1794: "Datu Baringang came and brought me some fish." (DAS:f.144r) 2nd September 1794: HArung Paroto came as instructed by the cilaong 46 to send some l\'ctte, eggs, fish and fish dendeng47 [ ... ]." (DAS:f.l.+()\') 45 4(,

.Hlltllldt' gt.?rigi is a dam-like shellfish. Cilllong i~ the head ofjennang in Bone,


The overwhelming impression given by the diary is that fishing impacted on the economy only in the sense of providing food for immediate consumption. ~ ext I shall discuss the Arumpone other economic revenues, the land and the kasu"riyang.


Land and the kasuwiyang 5.3.1 Types of land

Opportunities for the upper echelon of the Bugis society to monopolise land were mentioned in the previous section. Although there is a shortage of information on the state of land ownership in Bone during the eighteenth century, insight can be gained from a record on land ownership in an early twentieth century Adatrechtbundels (1929: 126-35). The Adatrechtbundels (1929) explains the situation in the Makassar area under the control of the Company in the regions of Jeneponto, Bantaeng and Bulukumba. Here, the rice fields leased out to tenant farmers, called galung kabakukang, were originally part of the Karaeng's own rice fields, galung akarungang. The word' baku' as in kabakukang comes from the Makasar, 'Nipa baku eroki', which means 'Whatever my wish may be, it should be obeyed': a daily reminder of the king or ruler's ultimate domination of land. The Arumpone was at the apex of the traditional Bugis hierarchy. The second stratum consisted of the regents such as Arung and Karaeng (this title was employed mainly by the Makasar nobles) who held the important political offices of Tomarilalang, Paqbicara, Maqkedangtana, Maqdanrang, Ponggalra and Anreguru Anakarung. These offices were then followed by the Adeq Pilu and the non-titled regents. They presided over areas covering numerous domains and territories, within which subordinate jurisdiction was delegated to the Gellarang or community heads. For the higher nobles, their functions in public office brought a perquisite in the form of land. The Adatrechtbundels (1929) describes the customs governing the cultivation of these 'office fields'. The cultivation of 'office-fields', held by nobles such as the Tomarilalang, Paqbicara, Karaeng, Datu and Arung, would be entrusted to others who were allowed to keep the majority of the crop or resultant profit for themselves. as long as they cultivated the lands. 48 In addition, should the l\araeng or Dl;ndt:ng is one of the Indonesian ways of preparing fish. 48 Radem18cher (I R24) noted that in the Northern PrO\'inces. prior to 1668. ne\dy conquered land was divided among the Makasar nobles and gave them the same benefits as their existing property. namely. 'the tenths of office, and the usual dues from the inhabitants' (Radermacher 18.24: 153), It is possible that the quote "the usual dues from the inhabitants" refers to normal taxes. and the tenth to the s()-called cukch, or 10 0 0 of eve~thing found or hunted in the area. This cukeh was almost unin?rsal in Indonl'~ia. but went under difTerent names in different places. (Personal communication. Profe~~()r P. Boomgaard) 47

122 Head and his following come to the area, the peasant farmers were obliged to render service by providing them with food such as rice and chickens. Lower heads. such as the Matoa, Jennang, or Lomo,49 would generally be granted their own office-fields from the office-fields of their Karaeng, Datu or Arung. so Hence, the lands and rice-fields held by the nobles of Bone to support themselves were obtained as a gift from their immediate ruler. The following entry from DAS reveals the Arumpone's involvement in the distribution of land: 2nd August 1783: "I notified the jennang of Maros that the rice-fields possessed by the jennang of Sanggalea which he received from Puang Gawuq [and] which were given to Puang Gawuq by Puwattaq Matinroe ri Mallimongeng would be returned as his kasuwiyang. [And] I allocate ten plots to Indoq [Puang] Gawuq whereas the rest would be used as his Uennang Maros'] food supply to pay [his] dues [kasuwiyang] with." (DAS:f.65r) Access to land could also be obtained through the holding of oftice~ the fields being held as an 'apanage,S1 and only as long as the office lasted. It is possible that such a situation is reflected in DAS: 5th March 1794: "La Marola came from Tanete and relayed [to the Arumpone] the words [threats] that Karaeng Tanete said [to him]: "[ ... ] I could take back your land if I wanted to" (DAS:f.143v). The Adatrechtbundels (1929:153) also mentions another type of land, the income of which could be gifted by the ruler, namely the 'apanage' or tana pamase, meaning "reward' or 'gift', pabbere. It is known that such gifts were made by the ruler, Addatuang, of Sidenreng, usually on the occasion of a wedding. Hence, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's gift of land to his son, La Mappatunruq, on the occasion of his wedding can also be understood as an "apanage': 11 th November 1793 "'The Sulewatang of Bontoalaq came from the south [Makassar] to witness on the handing over of Palakka to La Mappatunruq [the bridegroom] by me [the Arumpone] [... ]." (DAS:f.140v)


Lomo is a lower ranking official position in the kingdom of Gowa.

~ll HowC\'er. these 'office fields' were given to them as a favour St1 that it may haye been the caSl' that most heads did not 0\\11 office-fields. The same applies to the messengers (s/lro, s([riang. parammg) (Adatrechrbundels 19~9: 151). ~I The 'apanage' lands that were uncleared could become inheritable property after clearing and culti\'ation (Adatrcchtbundcls 1929: 153).

In addition to the above account, DAS reports in another entry that \\·hen his daughter Batara Tungkeq bore him his first grandchild, he presented her with a lake at Banawae: 28 th May 1792 "After 9.00 in the morning, Batara Tungkeq gave birth to a baby girl. Taullah 'umurha. I presented to Arung Timurung [Batara Tungkeq] the lake which is located in the region of Banawae [... ]." (DAS:f.127v) Elsewhere, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh records giving his first grand-daughter some plots of rice-fields: 23 rd October 1792: "The initiation or 'feeding ceremony' for Siti Hatijah. 52 I gave [to Siti Hatijah] my rice-fields at Kapala which are under the supervision of La Sattuq [... ]." (DAS:f.130r) In Bone, conquered land was called pabate-bate (land obtained through war. B.). 53 Though the land belonging to the populace of a conquered area would remain in individual possession, its owners were obliged by law to pay 1/5 of the crop to the treasury of the conquering Arumpone (Adatrechtbundels 1929: 151). The pabate-batc fields could not be given to another for cultivation, because they were inherited individual possessions. They could be temporarily given to someone else to cultivate if they had been uncultivated for more than five years. After the expiry of a temporary lease, the original owner could, if he wished, re-occupy the land. Apart from owning land, the social status of a person could also be manifested in ownership of cattle (buffaloes). However, possession of these animals was only of secondary importance: it would be exceptional for somebody to have cattle but no ricefields.

An additional sign of wealth was ownership of a langsat-garden, only to be

found mnong those who already owned rice-fields and buffaloes. Langsat is an annual fruit crop, which usually coincides with the durian season. It is fair to assume that the langsat harvest was eagerly anticipated. The Arumpone reports in his diary that he

received langsat from his nobles: This fecding ceremony marks the first solid food taken by a baby. :'\ In Bont? the pabate fields are located in the following adat-communities and co\·cr the kampong: a. Adat community Tanete-ri-Attang: Kampong Calloe, Tore, Balukang. Bajoe. Lama, Cilelang, Maloe, Rompe, Biroe, Palengarang. b. Adat community Macege: Kampong Majang, Sangkae, Cilelang. ~laduri. Pangili. Lemoapeq, Taneteboa. Maleq, Atakka. c. The domain Tibojong (Barobbi): Kampong Lempang, Teko-Teko, Cirowali, Bulue, Apala, Pajekko, Paroto, Ujung Paripung, Balangi, Bakka. d. Adat community Cenrana (north Bone): the pabate-bate field~ of Pallima (Adatrechthllndel.\



12.+ 1st March 1789: "[ ... ] I Dolo also came by the order of the Tomaqbicara Butta to send langsat and durian [to me] [... ]." (DAS:f.104v) 11 th April 1790: "The messengers of Tomarilalang [and] Karaeng Sapanang came to bring six trunks of langsat to me." (DAS:f.112r) It appears that most of the langsat-orchards were owned by nobles of Makassar: the

Maqkedangtana of Gowa, Tomaqbicara Butta, Karaeng Bontonompo, Karaeng Sapanang, Karaeng Naugang and the jennang of Bariballaq. Of the nobles of Bone, only the Tomarilalang is mentioned by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in connection with langsat cultivation. 54 It is striking that so few of the nobles of Bone owned a langsat garden, and even more so that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh himself did not possess such an orchard. However, the giving of langsat may well have constituted a particular fonn of kasuwiyang, which will be discussed in the next section.

5.3.2 The kasuwiyang Matthes defines the word kasuwiyang as "homage, tribute, subservience or allegiance" (Matthes 1874:50). Kooreman (quoted in Friedericy 1933 :543) explains that kasuwiyang was understood to be all that one was obliged to do by the custom, adat, and all that the king desired to demand or command. Friedericy (1933:541) defined kasuwiyang as something separate and additional to that obliged by adat, stressing that kasuwiyang is in the first place a service. This section explores the different fonns of kasuwiyang and the various services rendered, as illustrated in Sultan Ahmad asSalleh's diary, in order to examine the extent to which kaslnriyang contributed to his revenues. In the hierarchy of Bone society, the Arumpone and leading nobles were linked to their subjects and followers by a number of reciprocal duties and rights. Thus, every leading nobleman was at the centre of a network or clientele. Pelras (1996: 181-2) states that when a follower acknowledged a nobleman as his lord, arung, he declared his willingness to comply with the latter's request when summoned: duties that could be requested of him included joining his arung in war, hunting or travel. working his paddy fields, or performing some kind of domestic service such as providing drinking water, local foodstuffs or firewood. The services the subjects provided to the Arumpone varied according to the natural resources available locally: every community would Although DAS does not state so explicitly, I presume that the Tomarilalang wa~ the O\\ller of the langsal garden (DAS:f.112r). DT\!. however. does not make any mention of the giving of langsat to the .4. r"mpone. 54

125 know its task and would deliver that service at the appropriate time. For some. the due or kasuwiyang consisted in supplying a proportion of the yield of crops gro\\'n on was specific lands granted by the king: the kasuwiyang-fields. Whilst kasuwivano . 0 mostly a payment in kind, it could also occur that the cash proceeds of a particular economic activity were received as kasuwiyang. It is clear that, conceptually, the kasuwiyang differs from general taxation.

incorporating a moral dimension in addition to the legal. It is both a matter of honour and of obedience to the ada!. The conventionality of agreements between the ruling class and their subjects concerning the ruler's monopoly over territory and revenues is particularly evident from a Bugis manuscript, the Mula Tattimpaqna Sidenreng (The Opening of Sidenreng, henceforth referred as MTS), which marked the dawn of Sidenreng's sovereignty. It avows that the Aqdaong 55 has the monopoly of certain items: "[ ...] The aqdaong of Sidenreng said: 'I will own the salt, I will own the sirih [betel leaves]. I will also own the transvestites and the dwarfs. Each of you [will] also provide me with five followers whom I will appoint as special retainers in the palace.' [...] The aqdaong said: 'When you have [acquired] goods of value, send them up to the palace. When you have paid four real [as tax] you may take [the goods].' [... ] The people worked the rice fields [of their aqdaong] once a year, they hunted pigs and deer in the great forest [for their aqdaong] once a year, and they caught fish from the lake [for their aqdaong] once a year. The yields were taken up to [the aqdaong] [... ]." (MTS in Druce 1999:32-4) Although the Chronicle of Bone (Macknight and Mukhlis, in progress) does not contain a similarly explicit contract of terms, most likely the above example is equally applicable to the other Bugis kingdoms, and the same or similar privileges were enjoyed by the Arumpone. An early agreement between the king and the Adeq Pitu, the Council of Seven, drawn up on the investiture of the king of Bone, parallels the above declaration to some extent (Saharruddin 1984:27).56 Though the agreement docs not base itself on specific examples of the ruler's power in the same manner as the MrS, its l110re abstract approach is all the more effective in communicating the king' s ultimate authority in all spheres. The imagery of the declaration carries a strong s)mbolic meaning. The general terms in which the agreement expresses unquestioned submission

Aqdaong was the title of the early rulers of Sidenreng. In the eighteenth century it wa~ known Addalllang (Druce 1999), 5h Sec mv discussion in Chapter 6.7.1. 55


126 and duty of service emphasise the all-encompassing nature of the king's supremacy and of his subjects' acceptance of their wide-ranging responsibilities towards him. DAS reports frequently on the kasuwiyang the Arumpone recei\'es. Many

contributions are linked to the crops cultivated, although it is not always clear whether payments in rice and paddy, for example, are derived exclusively from kasznr(vang lands, or whether they might also derive from an individual's own re\'enue. For example: 31 st July 1776: "Jennang Timurung came and brought along for me his 'kasuwiyang' paddy [a total of] three thousand and thirty [bundles] and two hundred gantang of rice." (DAS:f.15v) 23 rd July 1778: "'To'Gangka informed me that the kasuwiyang paddy of Matoa Pare-pare totals two thousand [bundles]." (DAS:f.29v) 7th October 1779: "The jennang Kaba and the people of Timurung informed me that their kasuwiyang paddy totals one thousand one hundred and eighty-five [bundles] after having deducted the zakat." (DAS:f.38r) In addition to the payment of kasuwiyang in the form of crops, DAS also mentions receiving dues in the form of money: 1i h October 1779: "[ ... ] The jennang of Pannampuq gave his kasuwiyang, an amount of thirty real, to me." (DAS:f.38r) 29 th March 1781: "'Matoa Timurung who lives at Cenrana gave me his kasuwiyang, one tail." (DAS:f.48v) 30th October 1795: "'[ ... ] kasuwiyang money from Bajoe, one hundred real." (DAS:f.154r) Closer observation of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's revenues reveals that the people of Bajoe, who inhabited the northwestern coastal area of Bone, submitted their kasliwiyang in the form of tortoise-shell. From the table below a clear pattern emerges:


Payment of tortoise-shell no mention of eight is gI en.

4/11/1784 23/4/1785 20/5/1786 4/12/1788 20/7/1789 26/11/1791 27/7/1794 30/10/1795

6 tail gold

100 real 100 real 1 pikuf7

200 real 100 real 200 real 100 real 100 real

2 pikul

Table 5.6: Payments of kasuwiyang from the people of Bajoe to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, 1782-1795 (source: DAS) From the above table, we see that the kasuwiyang paid by the people of Bajoe average about 65 real per annum payable in money or gold, or the equivalent value in tortoise-shell. The payment was not necessarily always made annually, but the annual total owed could evidently be honoured at a later date. For example, DAS noted that with regard to the payment made on 26th November 1791, the amount of 200 real the

Arumpone received also included the payment for 1790, in which year no dues were paid by the people of Bajoe. The sale of tortoise-shells was lucrative, according to Sutherland (2000:458); they were among the cargoes that were loaded on the Chinese ships, wangkang, by the Chinese traders as trading goods from the island of South Sulawesi. The diary reveals that, besides money, paddy, rice, tortoise-shell and gold, other payments of kasuwiyang were made in the form of bamboo, ships or serving maids, which DAS reports as: 21 st September 1790: "[The nobles of] Bonerate came and brought me their kasuwiyang: vessels - one biluq with outriggers, one large pangkunlq and two [smaller] pangkunlq with outriggers [... ]." (DAS:f 114v) 29th January 1791: 'The people of Dulang sent [their] kasliwi ang bamboo to Ujung Tanah an amount of eighty [small] bamboo tree [and] a thou and rods of bamboo. (DA :f 117 )

. ~ On pikul

ua1 circa 2. kilogramrn .

128 1i h September 1791 : "My uncle, Arung Kaju, arrived from Pare-pare and he brought along with him one serving maid as kasuvdyang from the Matoa [of Pare-pare]." (DAS:f.121 v) If the ruler of Bone (or an arung) organised a celebration, his subjects or follo\\"ers would be ready to attend, even if they lived some distance away: they took pride in being present at such prominent occasions which displayed their patron's status and importance. They would contribute money or gifts and help with the preparations, and in return would be lodged, fed and entertained (Pelras 1996: 182). Indeed, DAS mentions their contribution to the preparations for customary celebrations. Often. the occasion demanded the erection of a temporary building, such as a pavilion, or a 'maternity ward' for the Queen, and the royal creche:

The 'maternity ward': 5th August 1785: "The [special] house for Puang Batara Tungkeq to give birth has been constructed." (DAS:f.79r) 21 st May 1787: "The house for Puang Batara Tungkeq to give birth is being erected. God bless [... ]." (DAS:f.91 v)

The royal creche: 2nd June 1791: "Today, the royal creche was erected at Cenrana [... ]." (DAS:f.120r)

The repair work on the palace: 1st May 1793: "'The roof of the extension building of the Lawelareng [palace] has been fixed." (DAS: f.13 7v)

The erecting and decorating of the pavilion (baruga, B.): 9th July 1785: HThe seating platform was set up and the baruga was decorated [... ]." (DAS:f.78v) 25 th July 1793: HThe wooden pole [for the baruga] began to be canoed. Barakallah." (DAS:f.138v)

Such events, many of them marking the rites of passage of the members of the royal dynasty, are frequently reported by DAS; for example:


The circumcision and ear piercing ceremony: th

25 October 1787 "The contributions, passoloq, total 263 [real]. I Patiku had her ears pierced [and] I gave her two serving maids; one from the king of Bone and another from the Karaeng of Gowa." (DAS: f. 94r) For such royal celebrations it was customary that many people, both nobles and commoners, would be invited. Prior to the ceremony, the gathering or the 'sitting together', tuda-ttudang (B.), would take place for three consecutive nights before the main ceremony was performed. 58 During the tuda-ttudang, the organiser would put on displays of dancing and fighting, and provide the guests with food. Evidently. sen·ices such as preparing food and serving the guests, and other tasks to ensure the ceremony took place as planned, required substantial manual labour. Hence, it was expected that people would offer their (slaves') services in this sort of situation: the assistance provided would also be regarded as kasuwiyang. This was accepted etiquette when organising a feast in which, the diary informs us, all the paliliq, domains or lranua, of Bone would be invited. For example: 1t h August 1776 "All thepaliliq were given a feast." (DAS:f.16r) In return for the invitation, the nobles of Bone and lords of the }vanua would give a contribution,passoloq (B.), to the ruler of Bone: 29 th July 1780 "The nobles of Bone together with the [lords of] the paliliq contributed 221 real [and] 8 owang. The contribution arrived within one day." (DAS:f.44r) Failure on the part of the lords of the paliliq to attend a feast at court was punishable by the Arumpone in accordance with the adat. In conjunction with the royal feasting, a summons, bila-bila,59 was sent to a paliliq or an ally, passeajingeng (B.), inviting them to attend a festival or war, and the number of knots indicated the number of days before the recipient was expected to assemble in a specified location. Any paliliq or ally who failed to turn up at the feast would be fined, whilst in the event of being asked to participate in war. a paliliq that failed to attend without good reason would be punished Usually the tuda-ttudang would be held for three to seven nights before the main eyent took place. depending on the host's wish, which would be influenced by his social status as \\ell as financial background. During the tuda-ttudang. the guests would be served with food and drink. Different kinds of local cakes were sen·cd on different nights, and each kind of cake symbolised a different meaning. (Personal communication with Petta Awampone Andi t\lappasisi. ., .,nd September 1999 and Petta Nompok :\ndi Muhammad Ali on 1Sf October 1999. at \Vatampone.) ~Q, . .In Ch apter 67 - Scc my d·ISCUSSlOn .. 58

130 heavily (Raffles 1817:xcii). This, however, did not apply to an ally. This custom is mentioned by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in the entry for 14th April 1788, \\'hen the head judge of Soppeng together with some of the domains of Bone and its allies \\'ere brought to book for their failure to attend a feast held by him. Five days later, the diary infonns us: 19th April 1788 "The Maqdanrang and the Tomarilalang came to accompany the [delegates of the] paliliq and the allies who failed to attend the feast to submit their contribution, passoloq, totals of one hundred [real] less one suku [... ]." (DAS:f.98r) Failure to pay kasuwiyang was rare. Kooreman (Friedericy 1933:543) says that if kasuwiyang was not paid, the land to which a person had inherited rights of cultivation

could be taken away from him. In Bone, anyone who failed to pay the kasuH'(vang would initially be ordered to fulfil his obligations. Subsequently, he would be visited one or more times by one of the members of the Adeq Pitu in the name of the Arllmpone. If this did not achieve the desired result, the head of the king's troops, the Pang%e JOl1'a (B.), would be sent with his troops to the obstinate head. who had to fight and was usually killed. If the head survived the attack, he would be taken captive and declared stripped off his dignity, usually along with his descendants to the nth generation (Friedericy 1933:541, 543). Not surprisingly, no such punishment is recorded in DAS. On the other hand, DAS does reveal the punishment for those found to have held back the Arumpone's due without consent. This offence is recorded only once, and the consequences were: 13 th March 1781: "'I went to visit the Maqdanrang. He reported to me that the people [nobles] of Awampone had agreed to confiscate all the property found in Arung Kading's palace [house] including his wife and children after he [Arung Kading] was found [guilty ot] stealing the ruler's [Arumpone] kasult'iyang which was entrusted to him." (DAS:f.48v) In the time of the Gowa kings, a person who failed to fulfil kasliwiyang could be sentenced to a fine of two or four real. If the person was unable to pay. part of the goods in his possession, including his house, warehouses or ships would he impounded. and on top of this, a fine would sometimes be levied. Nonetheless, the enforcement of these tneasures was not always well regulated. as it depended on the heads. subheads or the lower otlicials whether punishments were applied strictly or not, and the punishment varied between regions (Friedericy 1933:542).

131 We learn from DAS that there was a simple mechanism for the collection of the kasuwiyang contributions. For instance, the diary tells us that the Bajoe' s kaslIw(l'ang

payments were usually brought to him by the harbourmaster. In other locations there were appointed officials for this task: 1st June 1790: "I asked SuIewatang Wugi to go to the nobles of Tuwa and to inform them that when I [Arumpone] pass through [their vicinity], I want them [the nobles of Tuwa] to bring the kasuwiyang of the people of Tuwa Wajoq to me." (DAS:f.113r)

Again, some two months later, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh writes: th

4 August 1790: "I met Karaeng Lempang60 whom I have appointed to take care of the kasuwiyang of [the people of] Tuwa Wajoq [... ]." (DAS:f.114r)

Just like other inherited rights over cultivated lands, the duty of kasul-v(\,{[llg attached to particular lands would be passed down through the generations. This is illustrated in DAS:

i h January 1789: "[ ... ] I commanded them [Gel/arang Bontoalaq and sura [messenger] of Bontosunggu]: 'You are not allowed to use the rice-fields as collateral to buy something else. If you don't use the rice-fields [as your source of food or] as your kasuwiyang by your children and grandchildren, [I will order] the jennang Maros to take the rice-fields back from you.' " (DAS:f.l03v)

The importance of ensuring the continuity of kasuwiyang payments relating to certain agricultural lands is understandable, given the revenues that they could provide. It is dit1icult to quantify the revenue, since much of it was obtained in kind: in paddy or rice, in wood or bamboo, in manpower for the construction or maintenance of buildings. in sailing crews on ships, or in the transportation of the king and his luggage \\"hen travelling. From the previous section (5.2.1), we know Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's rcyenues from rice cultivation to have been relatively low, and fishing to have sen"cd only to proyide food for household consumption. Howeyer, my discussion has delllonstrated that kasuwiyang, the payment of dues in various forms. constituted a reasonable proportion of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s revenue:

An;\xding to Drs. Muhammad Salim, the region Lempang doe~ nl)! exi~! and i~ po~"ibly a ,pclling error. (Pcr~onal communication. Drs. Muhammad Salim. 17 th May 2002.) 60


14/2/91 3/3/91 18/4/91

The people [nobles] of Dulang Khatib Kasim Arung Paciro Bulukumba

Khatib Kasim Matoa Pare-pare Pon awa ofBa'oe Total

17/6/91 17/9/91 26/11/91

Table 5.7:

80 bamboo trees 1000 bamboo rods 210 real

1000 bundles of paddy 120 real

1 serving maid 200 real 530 real

A list of kasuwiyang received by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh for the year 1791 (source: DAS)

As an example, for the whole year 1791, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh received a total sum of 530 real, in addition to a quantity of paddy, bamboo and a serving maid. Apart from the general taxation and the kasuwiyang, the collection of fines or penalties, lokko (B.), from those found guilty of committing crimes or offences against the adal appears to have contributed considerable revenues.

5.3.3 Land taxes and disputes over land We have seen that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh possessed lands at Makassar which he inherited from his ancestors. Because the lands were situated under the Company's administration, he had to comply with the Company's regulations. Although most of the

Arumpone's agricultural land was exempt from tax payment, this was not the case for his nobles who had property in Makassar (ANRI Mak.169). From the Dutch records, we deduce that many Bone subjects resided in Makassar, and that they were subject to both the laws of Bone and the Company's regulations, which often led to (feigned) confusion o er which tax payments were owed to whom. As a result, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had to negotiate with the Governor over claims of land ownership and disputes over the payment of taxe in those areas under the Company s jurisdiction. Traditionall , all that ompan

ould be t

hich was cultivated on the lands admini tered b

ed at one tenth of its

rthi ning, meanin to di ide by ten. th

in of Bon' confirm that it


alue, hence the Dutch termed the tax

letter written to the jellnang of Bantaeng from

a the cu tom that the \ erthiellillg on padd

a 10

.. .. I .) -'

out of 100 bunches (ANRI Mak.117 No.53:159). Radennacher (1824:153) noted the native custom of levying one tenth of the crops on land in the Northern Provinces. prior to the Treaty of Bongaya; perhaps this tax was appropriated by the Dutch. Although the tax levied by the Dutch seems small, it would appear to ha\'e met with much resistance. Three and a half months after Sultan Abdul as-Salleh was made king, the Company had already filed a complaint about his subjects' refusal to pay the verthiening. The Dutch records mention that Datu Baringang, the Bone's Commander-

in-Chief, had forbidden his subjects to pay the taxes (ANRI Mak.404/4:20 th September 1775). Nevertheless, the Dutch sources record that a pact was made in 1774 between the (deceased) king of Bone, Sultan Abdul Razak Jalaluddin, and the Company, with regards to the payment of taxes. The agreement stated: "The king of Bone [Sultan Abdul Razak Jalaluddin] hereby promises on behalf of himself and his successors in the kingdom, from now on to admit the tax collectors of excise duty freely and without obstruction in order to levy toll in the Kampung Bugis as well as elsewhere from all arriving and departing water vessels and on all merchandise that is transported over land between here and Saperia. And also to appoint a suitable person in the aforementioned Kampung Bugis and another over the Boniers in Kampung Barn, who in all respects must help the servants of the tax collectors and protect them from all violent acts and prevent that any ships whatsoever are left untaxed upon arrival or departure." (ANRJ Mak.274/2:26 th February 1774) When taxes were due to be collected, the Governor would notify the king of Bone, who would then instruct his officials to accompany the Dutch tax collectors in doing the \'crthiening.

4th August 1779: "The Governor's interpreter came to let [the Arumpone] know of his intention to collect tax at Maros [... ]." (DAS:f.37r) 6th August 1779: HThe Governor boarded a ship to go to Maros. I instructed Sutewatang Bontoalaq, Arung Pasempeq and the interpreter [of Bone]. La Pidde, to accompany the Governor [and his officials]." (DAS:f.37r) This precaution was of advantage to both parties: the presence of the king' s delegates encouraged the Boniers to pay up: at the same time it guarded against possible abuse of the system on the part of the Dutch tax-collectors. The necessity for this safeguard was

13-+ evident from the hand-over report written by Governor Reijke upon his standing down in 1790: "[ ... ] for a long time we even had to carry out the verthiening especially in the North, armed and fearing for our lives, in order to, as has happened before, avoid being turned down by this impudent nation who stand in their paddy fields armed like Polish nobles with daggers, assegaijs (D.) and blunderbuses [... ]." (ANRJ Mak.169:3-4) This remark made by the ex-Governor of Makassar shows us that the Company was having difficulty getting its revenues from the verthiening. In order to avoid further inconvenience, the Company sought to prevent everyday disputes by abolishing the rights that the Boniers had for a long time considered theirs; namely, their right to the area of Malawa at Maros, and the trafficking of goods by ship to the Northern districts and elsewhere. In addition, Reijke reports that the Bugis eventually stopped paying excise duty, both incoming and outgoing (ANRJ Mak.169: 10); in the same memorandum, Reijke mentioned a toll bar across the river, where a toll or boompagt (D.), was levied. The verthiening had always posed a problem to the Company even in its own administrative area, for instance in Maros. In one of the sources dated 5th April 1779, after the Gowa war, Bone claimed that Datu Baringang was the master of Maros and that he would no longer allow the Company to collect the verthiening, as now he had conquered Maros it belonged to him. An entry in DAS records that Datu Baringang had taken over Maros. Perhaps this entry was designed to legitimise his claim as the master of Maros, under the pretext of his success in ousting the rebel. I Sangkilang, from there (DAS:f.35r). Such an act of legitimisation could be considered as a means by which to

lnonitor the Company's activities and test its reactions in Maros. In addition, it could be interpreted as an attempt to encroach on the Company's territory. Reijke again commented that Datu Baringang and the Boniers had tried everything to achieve their ambition (ANRJ Mak.169:57-8): "Ostensibly to support us, Datu Baringang, a Bone prince, occupied the Northern Provinces in 1780 [sic.: 1777], which consisted of the sub-department Pangkajenejene, excepting Balotti and the communities to the North of the town of Maros as well as the territory of Sudiang. In reality, this turned out to be the beginning of Bone domination, that had as its consequence that the Company lands were successively taken away from us [the Dutch]."


The Bugis' increasing ambitions to obtain the Company's lands and the deyeloping tensions between the Bugis and the Company were revealed by Governor Beth in his written memoir to his newly appointed successor, Mr. Chasse: 61 "Still more caution ought to be observed with regard to Bone. That Nation being considerably more ambitious than any other on the Island, they are constantly busy, in various manners, to usurp every piece of ground which they can get at, and which can be of any advantage to them [... ]." (Blok 1817:31) This remark by the ex-Governor of Makassar reveals to us the Dutch opinion of the Bugis who were ruled by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. It shows that during his reign, little progress was made in bilateral co-operation, despite the repeated efforts of the Company. In fact, many entries in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary refer to problenls relating to land owned by him and his nobles in the Company's territory. The earliest such entry occurs only three weeks into his reign as Arumpone when, on 28 th June 1775, the Company's commissioner came to demand the return of some islands: "The [Dutch Commissioner], the fiscal officer and the harbourmaster came [to see Arumpone] to ask for [the return of] Kalauq, Bonerata, Pulau Laiya, Pulau Kalubi and other islands which have not been taxed." (DAS:f.8r) Shortly afterwards, on the 4th July, the nobles of Bone went to see the Governor, who had categorically demanded the return of the area of Maros and its northern districts, together with four other islands, the use of which had previously been granted to the king of Bone (DAS:f.8v). Almost two years after Ahmad as-Salleh became Arumpone, DAS reports that the dispute between the Company and the Bugis over the ownership of some paddy fields was being handled by one of his nobles, Arung Teko (DAS:f.21 v). In later years, DAS records a number of conflicts over lands that both the Company and the Bugis clailned to own. On 11 th October 1778, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh informs us that he sent his representative, the Gellarang Bontoalaq, to the Governor to enquire about the ownership of Takalar62 and its surrounding area. He was informed that Takalar itsel f did not belong to the Company; however. the area surrounding it was under the Company's jurisdiction (DAS:f31 r). In the following year, there remained uncertainty

\Villem Beth succeeded Barend Reijke in 1790. On 30th April 1800. Beth handed hi~ post a~ Governor of Makassar to Peter Theodorus Chasse. 62 Takalar is located southeast of Makassar. along the coastal area. (d

136 over ownership of lands. In the year 1779, three entries relating to claims of lands \\'ere reported by DAS within the space of one month: th

5 March 1779 "The Governor sent Captain Koja to inform [me] with regards to the Company's [lands] territories that were under the possession of the Gellarang Bontoalaq [and suggested] to bring the issue to the Maqdanrang." (DAS:f.34v) th

17 March 1779 "Captain Koja returned after having discussed [issues with regard to] all the territories [lands] of the Company held by the official of Bone." (DAS:f.34v) 22 nd March 1779 "The Governor sent Captain Koja to deliver the Governor's appreciation of thanks after all the paddy fields belonging to the Company were returned." (DAS:f.34v) More entries were found in later years with regard to fulfilling the Company's demands. To mention a couple: 13 th July 1782: I went to the fort to see the Governor after the region which had been given to Matinroe ri Mallimongeng, Kampung Beru [sic.:Baru] 63 was officially returned to the Company's jurisdiction [... ]. Therefore the people of Kampung Bern, who were slaves of Matinroe ri Mallimongeng, do not need to pay their obeisance [to Bone any longer]." (DAS:f.57v) 6th February 1790: "La Masi arrived from Pangkajene to [inform the Company that the people [or nobles] of Bone's have agreed to] return the Dutch lands taken by them; [however] it cannot be resolved until next year [1791 ]." (DAS:f.lll r) Disputes over the ownership of lands and paddy fields not only occurred between the Company and the Bugis, but among the Bugis nobles themselves. In recording the conflicts arising over claims of ownership and the redeeming of lands and paddy tields, the role of the diary is significant in that it functions as a royal record of land ownership. The constant challenging of property rights, and the ambiguity surrounding the status of tnuch land, is evident from the many entries seeking to resolve conflicts and to clarify ownership status. In the diary pronouncements are made over the follo\\'ing:


I\.ampung Barn is located at the south of the Fort Rotterdam.

137 The disputes over paddy fields: th

4 January 1791: "I ordered Tau Tongngeng to infonn La Tallettuq and [La] Parowa that I forbade them to take La Bata's [Arung Tanete] rice-fields." (DAS:f.117v) th

10 January 1791: "Arung Tanete infonned me that his rice-fields have been taken by La Tallettuq and La Parola, along with one [slave] whilst another [slave] was held by his brother. I ordered Arung Tibojong to [go] and to demand them [La Tallettuq and La Parola] to return the rice-fields and the slaves to Arung Tanete [... ]." (DAS:f.117v) The claims of land ownership:

31 st May 1788: The Resident of Maros infonned me that Arung Mareq held in his possessions some lands at Lebboe and [he, Arung Mareq] had sold them to [the nobles ot] Bone. I said that I [the Arumpone] have not been infonned by the Tomaqbicara about it." (DAS:f.98v) 28 th December 1790: "The Resident of Maros sent his interpreter to enquire regarding the rice-fields belonging to the Company that were in the possession of the Bone's subjects who live in Maros and at Pangkajene." (DAS:f.116r) The declaring the status of ownership of rice fields:

13 th January 1791: '"Arung Cempa came to show me the sealed [letter which contained the declaration of the bestowal of rice-fields] from Puwattaq Matinroe ri Mallimongeng, also there was the Maqkedangtana's stamp [seal]. Hence, I certified the ricefields from Puwattaq [Matinroe ri Mallimongeng] to him and I gave him my [seal ot] endorsement." (DAS:f.117v) 5th May 1791: "[ ... ] Arung Cengka declared he possesses twenty-three plots of rice-fields at Parang Lowe; and the rice-fields were turned into eight plots." (DAS:f.119v) The redeeming pawned rice-fields: 22 nd November 1790: "[ ... ] regarding the rice-fields which Dating Marapo had pawned, they have been redeemed by Puang Batara Tungkeq. a number of seventy-three plots for the price of 134 [real] and

138 13 owang. Thejennang of Maros and La Rate are responsible to pass on [the money] to the person who holds [the title of ownership] of [Daeng Marapo' s] the rice-fields." (DAS:f.115v)

The conferment of land: th

20 October 1778: "Karaeng Laikang came [to me] and reported on the kampung of Karaeng Ta in Laikang. I declared: "That I [the Arumpone] hand over the administration [ofTa] together with the paddy fields to you [Karaeng Laikang]." (DAS:f.31r) 11 th April 1779: "I gave the letter of proof, (B.,) cap, to Daeng Mangapu after acknowledging that he had received the land given to him by Puwattaq Matinroe ri Mallimongeng." (DAS:f.35r) Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh also reports on the efforts of his nobles in claiming back land from the Company. Hence, his diary provides a record of lands received and restored by both parties: 8th March 1787: "To'Gangka came [back] after I ordered him to see the Resident of Bulukumba. Along with him came the General who was summoned by the Resident of Bulukumba to infonn me that the Resident of Bulukumba has returned the one hundred and seventy-eight plots of rice-fields belonging to Arung Kalibo." (DAS:f.90v) 9th December 1789: "[ ... ] I took back the rice-fields which were borrowed by the Shahbandar, a total of fifteen plots; four plots for gennination [inherited] from Puwattaq Matinroe ri Malimongang. I ordered To'Gangka to receive [the letter of agreement] from the Resident of Maros, Burggraaf." (DAS:f.l 09r) In the Dutch records, the Bugis who resided in the Company's lands \\ere portrayed as 'trouble-makers' who always refused to pay the verfhiening and caused problen1s to the Company. One record says that one of the Bone princes. Dacng Mamango, refused to pay the verthiening because the tax rate imposed by the Company was higher than the tithe of three gantang of rice on three hundred bunches of paddy (ANRl Mak.J J 7 No.5). A complaint made by the people of Bone reyeals the modus operandi of the Company's tax officiaL the afscheeper (D.):

"[oo.] when people came to pay their taxes [\'erfhiening. D.], what happened was that the rice was measured far above the edge of the vessel and the excess shaken off. The people of Bone \\'crc not allowed to pick [up] the fallen rice. As a


result, someone who owes thirty gantang has to top up wi th another ten gantang extra. This is the reason they \\'ere reluctant to pay." (ANRJ Mak.l00 No.18:2ih \;o\'ember 1794) What the Dutch record fails to convey is that, to the Bugis, their refusal to pay tax to the Dutch was in part a way of expressing their antipathy towards them. From the point of view of the Company, the need for revenue was often pressing. since it relied on the levies of rice to sustain its men, particularly in the late 1780s \\"hen the Dutch were at war with the English. The Fourth Anglo-Dutch war had had disastrous consequences for the Company; VOC debts in the Netherlands amounted to /91.1 million at the end of the accounting year for 1789-1790 (Steur 1986:212). It fell to the Company's colonies to seek ways of maximising revenues for the Dutch treasury: thus. all opportunities to tax the populace were exploited and pursued to the full. At the same time, the war against I Sangkilang in 1776-1779 and its prolonged repercussions had drained the Company's revenues. In a letter to the king, the Governor of Makassar, Mr.Willem Beth, stressed that the Company was 'obliged to employ all possible means in order to try to meet the pressing expenditure which is increasing because of the recent Makassar question.' (ANRJ Mak.119 No.l5:10th December 1792) In seeking to retrieve some of its treasury to compensate for the losses occasioned in the Makassar war, Governor Beth proposed a number of ways in which the kingdom of Gowa could pay war-damages: "'[ ... ] Either they supply certain number of slaves per year at Sp.50.00; or, for example, every household has to supply to the king every year a certain sum of money which the king should then pay to the Company for the debts: or [we] include the Makasar [the subjects of Gowal in the annual t verthiening." (ANRJ Mak.119 No.25:19 February 1793: Mak.144b/2 No.59:9 th June 1794) In spite of the pressures to obtain general provisions and export goods to boost the Dutch treasury, the Company could not always afford to accept more realistic solutions, such as accepting paddy instead of rice. It did not want to allow its allies to set their o\\'n rules. for fear of encouraging lawlessness across the region. In response to a letter sent by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's eldest son, La Mappatunruq Anlng Palakka. requcsting the Governor to allow the people of Palakka and Kaju liying in Bulukumba and Bantaeng to be allowed to pay the verthiening in the form of paddy instead of rice. the Govcrnor wrote a fonnal repl y:

140 "I cannot grant the request because the Company does not have enough rice. The Company cannot have different rules. The Company has to standardise the rules as your father. the king, knows that, were we to agree to your request. it \vould lead to tension. The Company's ship has waited a long time to collect the tax and is disadvantaging the Company by losing its money. If you think we can get rice from elsewhere, perhaps we could give consideration to your request, especially so as to feed the Company's employees." (ANRJ Mak.l00 No.26:27 th December 1794) The Bugis continued to thwart the Company's collection of taxes, and Governor Beth voiced his frustrations concerning Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's protection of the tax e,'aders who were Bugis. Despite the Company having listed the offenders' names for him. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh did not enforce punishment (ANRJ Mak.l00 No.47:8 th March 1795). The Company not only experienced problems collecting taxes among the Bugis who resided on its land, but moreover it was challenged by Daeng Malimpo, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's half brother, whose tYranny and attempts to usurp land had angered them: "In the afternoon, Karaeng Anakbajeng came to see the Governor to inform [him] that Daeng Malimpo wanted to be the master of that area; Topejawa [and] Barombong for himself." (ANRJ Mak.95c:30 th October 1789) th

Two weeks later, on 13 November 1789, about mid-day, a letter from Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was brought to the Governor by the Su!ewatang [of Palakka]. The letter was written in the Makasar language, and read: "Daeng Malimpo has arrived in the Company's land. He only took [occupied] a small area. However, one of the Company's eldest subjects gave him rice and a buffalo, a sign of submission [or obedience]. After that, Daeng Malimpo moved further into the Company's area. The same man said to Daeng Malimpo that: 'we have got rid of our leader.' Daeng Malimpo's reply was to ask to see the new jennang. The jennan~ gave him somewhere to stay [... ]." CLVRl Mak.95c: 13 t November 1789)

Although, in the Company's opinion, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh should have taken finner action against his subjects, instead he put the blame on the Company. In response to the Governor's inquisition about his half brother. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh pointed out that it was the Company's "eldest subject". mentioned above. who \vas the cause of the problems, because it was he who had called on Daeng \lalimpo to be the leader there (.LVRl ~\lak.95c: 13 th Novenlber 1789). This defensive response was interpreted by the

Governor. \Villem Beth. as symptonlatic of Sultan .-\hn1ad as-Salleh's political strategy

141 to extend his power over the Company's land. We can see the Company's growing dissatisfaction with the king of Bone when, on 6th January 1790, the Governor reported more offences committed by the people of Bone at Siang. It was reported that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's subjects had taken by force the Company's area with the intent to persuade the people there to give their services to Bone, that is, to Sultan Ahmad asSalleh. At the same time, one of the nobles of Bone, Arung Ponre, the son of the Maqdanrang, had seized nearly two hundred plots of paddy fields to be cultivated by the Boniers (ANRI Mak.95c:6


January 1790). A few other Bone nobles also committed

offences in the Company's lands. For instance, at Kampong Letta in Maros, two Bone nobles, Daeng Patappa and Daeng La Solo, committed offences, reflecting badly on the Bone court. The only action taken was to remove them from the area, and Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh excused himself to the Resident of Maros on the grounds that: "The two princes, La Solo and Daeng Patappa are not considered princes by Bone, they did not pay homage to the Bone's court but are seen as two roaming villains and bad subjects." (ANRI Mak.ll7 No.52:31 st January 1790) In other ways, too, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh expanded his influence. Not only were lands taken by force by his subjects, but he, too, (as we learn from the Dutch records) surreptitiously encroached on land, so that Governor Willem Beth had to account to the Governor-General how it was that the rice fields at Lamojo Boko had come under the rijksornamenten (D.) of Bone (ANRI Mak.l4f622-27). In 1792, when Sultan Ahmad asSalleh harboured pretensions to the throne of Gowa, he brazenly collected taxes from the Company's subjects in the Makasar lands. It was only when the Governor announced to him the Company's intention to collect tax in the area that he was informed the Arumpone had already done so: 16th July 1792: "The Governor sent I Samau to enquire about the collection of the Company's tax in the land of Makasar. I responded that: 'In my opinion, you are not wrong to tax the Goanese who gave their obeisance to me [... ]. But with regards to attasalo [upper river area], it was taxed last year and I have decided that it should be taxed only once [and] not several times.' " (DAS:f.128v)

5.3.4 A personal conflict with the pagter, lntje' Sadulla The collection of taxes on the Company's lands was carried out by lntjc' Sadulla. also kno\\TI as lnlje' I Dara, a Makasar in the Company's employment as a tax colledor-

cum-tax farmer or pagler (D.). According to the Dutch records. Sadulla was despised by

142 the king of Bone; in DAS, however, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh makes no mention of these feelings. The only acknowledgement of Intje Sadulla's existence in the diary is on 8th "'

June 1790, when he reports the death of Sadulla (DAS:f.113r). Perhaps the king's reported loathing for Sadulla was the result of problems arising from the many Bugis refusing to pay their dues to the Company (ANRI Mak.169: 10). A letter of complaint from the Arumpone about Sadulla accused him of the following: "He has meddled in our affairs and those of others by receiving letters and messages from the lesser allies. and Sadulla and his children relay all these to the Governor. It is also Sadulla who writes letters to those who are under Bone' s rule and, in the name of the retiring Governor [Reijke]. instructs those people what to do. So, we have to say that it is for this reason that these Bone subjects have become stubborn or reluctant to fulfil their duty towards Bone. When Sadulla was still the tax collector the Boniers complained about him a great deal because he didn't treat the traders as the Company had decreed with respect to the traders in Makassar. And so we want to add the behaviour of Sadulla and his children to our list of grievances." (ANRI Mak.117 No.68:26 th February 1790) On numerous occasions, the Bone court wrote to the Company to complain about Sadulla, their main accusations being his espionage for the Governor and corruption in his collection of taxes. A meeting of traders called by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh to formulate their complaints against the tax collector complained that he consistently taxed at too high a rate. Sadulla had raised the tax rate on various imported goods, even doubling the rate of tax on gold, and had begun to tax goods that were previously exempt, such as cloth, rice for consumption, sugar and jam (ANRJ Mak.144b/l:337-339: Sut-herland 1989: 125-26). Sadulla's position was a very privileged one, which gave him direct contact with a number of influential people and placed him in a position to incite disobedience against the king of Bone. Again, these grievances were disclosed by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in his letter to Governor Willem Beth: "[ ... ] lntje I Dara [Sadulla], his children and family have done wrong to me by saYing all kinds of bad words about me and reporting all sorts of accusations to the Governor although I never said or did all these things. I suffered much upset and embarrassment because of the behaviour of Intje I Dara and his family and to this day I feel the wounds in my (ANRJ Mak.117 No.31 :429; cf. A.YRl heart." Mak.144b/l :342-343)

Again. it is the Dutch sources that reveal in detail the yanous aspects of the complaints against Sadulla and his family. The fact that. by contrast. DAS is devoid of

1-+3 any reference to these frustrations, leads us to conclude that, as we sa\\" previously. the diary aims to paint an attractive portrait of the Arumpone. It seems that he preferred to leave no record of such an antagonistic relationship for posterity.



5.4.1 The decline of the VOC The importance of trade to society is twofold: it provides goods not readily ayailable at home, and its taxation has always been one of the principal sources of wealth for political elites and for imperial powers. In the early seventeenth century, Makassar was a major trading centre that linked the trading networks of eastern and western Indonesia (Sutherland 1983b:266). Makassar's location midway on the main sea route between the Strait of Malacca, which formed the gateway to the Indian Ocean, and the Spice Islands. was one factor contributing to its rise during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. In addition, the political moderation of the rulers of both Gowa and Talloq contributed to the prosperity of Makassar (Villiers 1990: 149-150). This period in Makassar's commercial history saw many visiting Malay and Javanese traders, "their ships laden with cloth, porcelain, rice and silver coins", and others based in Makassar, Hfrom where they controlled most of the shipping in every direction" (Schrieke 1955:6672). The Makasars imported much cloth from Cambay, Bengal and Coromandel (Villiers 1990: 145); in this period too, Makassar became an important market for pepper from Banjarmasin and Jambi (Meilink-Roelofsz 1962:258-260). The growing importance of Makassar as a centre of the spice trade and a market for Chinese and Indian goods attracted the Europeans to the city. The Portuguese who had first appeared in eastern Indonesia in the sixteenth century began to arrive in substantial numbers in the beginning of the seventeenth century, as a result of trading emhargoes imposed by the Dutch in the eastern Indonesian islands. The Dutch built their first post (factorij, D.), at Makassar in the early seventeenth century. at the invitation of the ruler

of Gowa, Sultan Alauddin (Poelinggomang 1993 :61-2). The factory served Dutch ships with fresh supplies and other requirements on their way to the Spice Islands. Other foreign traders soon followed, establishing their own posts in Makassar: the English in 1613, the Danes in 1616, whilst Spanish and Chinese traders began to appear from 1615 and 1619 respectively (Reid 1983a: 139). Having recognised the potential of Makassar as a centre of the spice trade, the VOC later took advantage of the domestic political tensions. In 1667. in alliance with Bugis forces under the Bone's leader. ..trung Palakka, the Dutch then conquered Makassar, after which it seryed as the main Dutch \\"atchdog guarding the eastern sea routes (Andaya 1781).


Having gained control over Makassar, the Dutch sought to obtain sole rights to trade, promoting a policy of halting other foreign trade with Makassar. The navigation rights of the Bugis and Makasar traders, and their freedom to take any passengers abroad, \\'ere controlled by the Dutch, and they were not allowed to carry on trade \\'ith the Spice Islands. In addition the trade in cloth, Chinese goods and spices came under the monopoly of the Company. The repercussions were felt by foreign as \\'ell as Bugis and Makasar traders, and resulted in the decline of commerce at Makassar (Sutherland 1989). Towards the end of the eighteenth century, the commercial position of the Dutch was waning; at the same time, their competitors, the English, were acquiring a dominant commercial position over the other Europeans in Southeast Asia. The Dutch situation was worsened by financial difficulties and problems in the VQC, a consequence of the fourth








Poelinggomang 2003 :48, 51-2). The declining commercial position of the Dutch as a result of the war is explicitly reported by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, who noted the growing concern of the Company about the appearance of English ships in Makassar waters. The first of these appearances occurred on 14


March 1781, when Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was informed by the

Company's interpreter I Depo (Deefhout) of the presence of fourteen English ships at th

Dima (DAS:f.48v). On 20 October 1781 he was told by the senior interpreter of the Company that English ships had been seen off the south-eastern coast of Sulawesi (DAS:f.52r). On seven more occasions, the presence of English ships is noted in DAS: 5th

October 1783 :f.66r; 10


May 1784:f.70v; DAS 24 th May 1789: 105v; 28 th May

1789:f.l06r; 8th April 1791 :f.119r; 27 th April 1793 :f.13 7r; and 2nd June 1793 :f.13 8r. 64 During the late eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth century, it appears that Makassar's economy was dependent on two main exchange networks. In the first trade network, Indian goods, mainly textiles and opium, as well as European linen (Braam Morris 1892:169; 188; 195; 205; 218) and chintzes (Braam Morris 1892:189; 195; 205), formed the products for trade brought to the Archipelago by West Asian and English merchants. These goods were taxed at a rate as high as 41 % (Sutherland 2000:458), and would be exchanged at Makassar with Mandar, Makasar or Bugis traders for sea and forest products, local textiles, Spanish dollars, and slaves (particularly before 1812)

The British, since 1760s. has been looking for a strategic place to expand it~ trading ba~l' in the eastern part of Indonesia, Reports on the appearance of British ships in the eastern part of the 1ndone~ian water was st'en as a sign of a potential threat to the Dutch especially in the 1780s when both countrie~. England and Holland. waged war. For more infonnation. see also Dalf}mple's account (BL HomeAIISC -<;5:3345) and Vns (1994:115-139). (,-I

1-+5 (Poelinggomang 1993 :63). The slave trade, particularly in Bone~ will be discussed in a later section. The second trade network of importance for Makassar was the exchange of goods with China; this took place from the 1740s onwards. The Chinese merchants brought products such as porcelain, metal utensils, tobacco, umbrellas, silk clothing and gold thread, and they purchased delicacies such as trepang, agar-agar (seaweed)~ shark tins and birds' nests, as well as tortoise-shell, wax and rattan (rotan) (Poelinggomang 1993:63). Kain Mandar, a cloth produced by the Mandar people, was also greatly in demand (Leirissa 1993:85). Besides rice, com and sesame (langga, B.) (Braam Morris 1892: 149-230), locally produced goods such as baskets woven from palm leaves, sacks fashioned from tree bark, and brown sugar made from the juice of palm trees, were shipped to other parts of the Archipelago. The main pattern of exchange between the Makasar and the Bugis, and the population of the marginal areas of the Moluccas, was to barter textiles and iron utensils for sea products, mainly trepang and tortoise-shell, which were in great demand, as were pearls. These products were then mostly sold to the Chinese in Makassar or marketed directly to Singapore. Rice, iron utensils and even alcohol from South Sulawesi were distributed to the far-off villages of the Moluccas (Leirissa 1993 :85). In the less monetarised areas of the interior, the majority of trade was by barter~

in Kassa in Massenrempulu, small scale barter trade still took place as late as the

nineteenth century for sirih, brown sugar, com and various tubers and pulses (Braam Morris 1892: 180). Although Bone is not included in Braam Morris' survey, his observations on Maiwa, Duri, Kassa, Batulappa, Alitta, Suppaqq and Sawitto, seven of the minor sovereign kingdoms of South Sulawesi, parallel one another to such an extent that the export- and import products mentioned could be argued to apply across the island as a whole.


Types of currency used

The Spanish real was the most common unit of currency across Southeast Asia. This silver coin, weighing 3.5 grams, was used by traders in the archipelago from the early seventeenth century, and had sen'ed as a model for the currency issued hy other European Governments from the fifteenth century onward. It continued to hold sway as a C0111mOn currency throughout Southeast Asia in the nineteenth century (Drake 1991 :90).

146 In most regions, in so far as they were monetarised, there existed other local units of currency, so that even within one kingdom or area of administration multiple currencies would be used alongside local barter. Even where a common unit was employed across a larger area, its value would display great local variation. For example, the value of the copper doi (duiten, D.) in South Sulawesi was by no means standardised as late as the nineteenth century. According to Braam-Morris. the number of doi manuq65 that made up one rijksdaalder66 varied between 960 and 1050 (Braam Morris 1890:156, 170, 181, 189, 196,206,219).67 In the interior of South Sulawesi in the eighteenth century, money was scarce and barter trade was widely relied upon. Examples of barter trade in DAS and in DTA! are as follows: 31 st October 1784: "I bought I Buq [a slave], from Daeng Mabbani's wife. for the price of 23 [real]. I barter traded her for a buffalo." (DTM:f.63v)

17th April 1795: "[ ... ] I bought a pair of kaparia guns in exchange for a slave boy." (DAS:f.151r) Only in international maritime ports was a variety of different currencies regularly used. In DAS, the following currencies are mentioned: 1ih July 1775: "I Tareoq gave [me] 6 ketteq ringgit." (DAS:f.8v) 16th November 1782: HI changed 3 tail Jawa for 81 real." (DAS:f.59v) 22 nd December 1788: "[ ... ] I also kept the [pawned] golden scabbard belonging to La Matoru for a price of 51 rupiah [... ]." (DAS:f.102r) 19 th April 1788: "The Maqdanrang together with the Tomarilalang came to bring in the contributions from the paliliq and the vassal states who had failed to attend the [Arumpone' s] feast: 100 [real] less 1 suku." (DAS:f.98r)

Doi manuq wa~ the smallest denomination of copper coin. It \\'a~ embo~sed with the motif of a cockerel. hence, in Dutch, haantjesduiten (Reid 1990:5). 66 The Dutch rijksdaalder was a silver coin minted in following of the Spani~h real. Scc \ lcCu"ker (1978) and Scholten (1953). , 67 This figure seems far too high. In the period referred to, one doi is one quarter (~) of a ".lUl\'er. and the r(jbdaaldcr i~ approximately 50 stuivers. Thu~. one rUbdaalder cquals ~()O dOl (personal 6S

communication, Profe~~or P. Boomgaard).

1.+7 DTM, in addition, records:

2ih November 1782: "I gave sura Pajeko his salary: 2 real, 4 owang 1 doi. I instructed suro Pajeko, [who was] accompanied by some of my guards, to pay the wages: for the interpreter: 2 real, 4 owang and 1 doi; [for the] sura Soppeng: 2 real, 7 oH'ang and 1 doi; [for] Sulewatang Paju: 4 real, 8 owang [and] 3 doi; [for] Arung Kalibo: 8 real, 16 owang [and] 6 doi; [for] Arung Labasi: 8 real, 16 owang [and] 6 doi; [and] for me: 17 real. 3 tali [and] 3 doi." (DTM:f.49r) The variety of different currencies in circulation and the different exchange rates occasionally caused problems among the traders who traded in Makassar. In a complaint in 1782 to Governor Reijke, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentions that transactions between the Company's tax-collector and the Bugis traders now took place in rupees, instead of the "small silver coins" they were accustomed to. Governor Reijke. who felt Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's complaint was baseless, contested the Arumpone's grievances, sayIng:

"[oo.] that premature prince [Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh] [oo.] ought to be ashamed for stating such, because his changers sit here in the bazaar in great number. [... ] It would likewise be contrary to the twelfth article of the Bongays Treaty which obliges him to trade therein." (BL Mackenzie Collection No.67:89) It was not, however, until twenty-nine years later. in 1811, that an agreement on the standardisation of exchange rates was signed by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh and Commandant Vickerman: st

"[ ... ] on 18th Muharram 1226 Hijrah [equals to] 21 February [1811], that the exchange rate of rupiah with doi [. . . illegible] or ringgit or ringgit burung and suku and tali [... ] should not be reduced [by taking a commission]; this applies to people who have money exchanged, people who exchange money, buyers and sellers, all gamblers, lenders and borrowers. This must be declared to all traders and subjects of the country." (UMLIB MS. Mik. 7:54-55)


Agreements and disputes on trading

Before the nineteenth century, commercial growth in Southeast Asia was directly super\'ised by the chief or ruler. whose political influence increased in direct proportion to revenues from trade (Kathiritamby-Wells 1993: 128). In particular. in Bugis lands. a

148 number of highly profitable goods were traditionally the sole monopoly of the rulers. Presumably the practice predated, probably by many centuries, its earliest formulation in writing, which is in the MTS: "Now the source of the aqdaoang of Sidenreng's wealth is from the sale of sirih [betel leaves] and the sale of salt. The trade in tobacco was a later concern. No other is allowed to sell these [goods]. Even the anaq mattola of Sidenreng are forbidden [to sell them]. Ifit is found that [these goods] have been sold unlawfully then the [offenders] will be fined." (MTS, in Druce 1999:36) In the nineteenth century, Braam Morris observed similar rights of monopoly across the seven kingdoms he studied: Maiwa, Duri, Kassa, Batulappa, Alitta, Suppaq and Sawitto (Braam Morris 1892: 149-230). In all of these places, sales of salt were the exclusive preserve of the ruler, and opium and tobacco were monopolies in most. In many regions, the sale of sirih was monopolised by the nobility. A Bugis letter written by the Tomarilalang of Bone to the Datu of Tanete on 10th July 1795 was concerned with the sale of sirih by the people of Tanete at Kampung Melayu in Makassar. The Datu of Tanete claimed that he had not been warned of the prohibition on the trade of sirih, but the Tomarilalang replied that a ban had indeed been implemented, and the will of the king of Bone was not to be disobeyed (ANRI Mak.l 00 No.77). It is striking that the monopoly goods were narcotics: opium, tobacco and sirih. Where rulers depended on trade and rights of monopoly for part of their revenues, they had to protect their economic interests with laws governing trade. Only when their interests were threatened by outsiders did it become a necessity to record trade regulations in writing. In maritime-oriented Muslim states, aspects of the syari 'ah (Ar.) or Islamic jurisprudence, pertaining to commerce and investment that directly concerned the ruler, can often be understood as a reaction to the increased competition in trade after the coming of the Portuguese (Kathiritamby-Wells 1993: 139).


Nonetheless, DAS gives no information on whether the syari 'ah law on trade was implemented during Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's reign or prior to it. During the reign of Sultan Abdul Razak Jalaluddin, on 26 th February 1774. a trade agreement was made between the Arumpone and Governor Van der Voort. The king promised to allow the Company's tax collectors in Kampung Bugis to levy tolls from all arriving and departing ships, and on all merchandise transported on:r land bet\veen Makassar and Saperia. The king also agreed to appoint a suitable person in ;"":ampung Bugis and in Kampung Barn, where many Bone subjects resided. to help ensure the oil

According to the syaria 'ah law. the taking of riba (Ar.). intere~t. wa~ prohibited.

149 safety of the tax collectors. Moreover, the Bone nobles had to relinquish their right to send ships to and from Malawa, which was under the Dutch jurisdiction, under any pretext (ANRl Mak.274/2). Within five years of the agreement it was necessary for the Company to reassert its authority over the traders, since illegal trading was taking place. Leirissa (1993:86) observes that some of the Bugis and Makasar traders, particularly those sailing in the Moluccan waters, did not have official permits. From the late eighteenth century on\\'ard. an increasing number of Bugis and Makasar traders were apprehended in the Seram Sea. and were often only able to show permits issued by their own chiefs. Although most were Bugis traders, others were from the islands of Selayar and Buton. Because of the increasing numbers of traders who continued to flout the regulations imposed by the Company, Governor Van der Voort issued an order on 1i


April 1779:

"This is a declaration of law. [An] order to declare to all traders that you are in no way allowed to [... ] unload goods at places other than in front of the house of the customs officer, as has been decided in the meeting at the palace [Fort Rotterdam] on 13 th April of this year [1779], in accordance with the previous order. When you come here to this port, we want you to dock nowhere but in front of the custom officer's house, where you must unload the goods to be checked by the customs officer. Whoever goes against this law, by bringing their proa to other places, and unloading their goods, we will treat as thieves [... ]. However, you will be allowed to bring your ship to other places if the fiscal officer and the customs officer give permission, but even if you have been allowed to do that, you are still not allowed to unload your goods at night." (ANRI Mak.408/2b) The Company greatly limited the freedom of movement of the Bugis and other local traders, and it was not possible to gain access to Dutch trading areas and ports without a pass. In his diary, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh recorded his negotiations with the Go\'ernor on this matter: 8th May 1779: 69 "1 Depo came, ordered by the Governor to bring [rdanguda and Teangnge. 70 He informed me that traders are not allowed to approach the port at night except in their own villages." (DAS:f.36v)

Cdallguda was a trade treaty between Buton and the Dutch, Buton is one of the islands locah.'d at the southern part of Southeast Sulawesi. 70 Tt;angnge was an official in charge of managing a market or port. 69

150 th

10 May 1779: "I ordered La Pasere to see the Governor to deliver my proposal not to treat all traders in the same way. Eventually~ the Governor accepted the proposal." (DAS:f.36v) In the above entry, there is no information on whom the Arumpone sought to ha\'e exempted from this policy. Another set of entries illustrates that the Company extended no immunity to the Bone nobles, although Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh expected otherwise~ as we can see from DAS: th

25 September 1779: "I sent Gellarang Bontoalaq together with interpreter La Pasere to the Governor to ask that my messenger not be taxed when the delegation leaves for Jakattara, as was previously the custom." (DAS:f.38v) Two days later, he sent his representatives to the Governor once again to ask that the Jakarta-bound delegation remain untaxed. They were met with a categorical refusal from the Governor (DAS:f.37v). Even so, a third request was made a further two days later: th

29 September 1779: "The delegates of Bone and Soppeng went to see the Governor asking him to follow the practice of our previous kings. The Governor refused and insisted on taxing my delegates, therefore I cancelled the trip to deliver the letter [to Jakattara]." (DAS:f.38v) A note in the Addendum for 1781


mentions complaints made by the Resident of

Ternate to the Governor about illegal trading by Bone subjects in prohibited areas. The Dutch official, I Depo, was sent to inform the Arumpone that the Resident of Ternate wanted to take action against the Bugis traders, but was hesitant to do so, in order not to jeopardise relations with Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, and had therefore asked the Governor to inform the Arumpone of this matter. At the same time, the Arumpone was informed by the Governor's messenger that four of his nobles' ships had deliberately been left untaxed as a special favour. In reply to this communication, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh thanked the Governor for abiding by the Udanguda agreement, and gave his approval for the (Dutch) fiscal officer to begin collecting taxes, including from the Bugis traders. He ended his letter by rejecting notions of a magnanimous gesture on the Go\'ernor's part, stating that he would presume that the ships bought by the delegations of Bone and Soppeng should be exempted from taxation in any event (DAS:f.54v).

There is no year reference; only the day and month is proyided in the Muslim calendar: l~th Zulhijjah. a Friday. 71

151 The disagreement over whether the Bone delegation's ships should be exempted th

from taxation was raised again on 9 March 1782 through a letter sent to the Governor from the Governor General, which was reported to the Arumpone: "[ ...] that the Bone's delegation had refused to pay tax that had been charged on their three prau." (DAS:f.55v) Some five weeks later, on 18 th April, the king visited the Governor personally to lobby for exemption from taxation for his nobles as well as for the Soppeng delegation (DAS:f.57r). From the viewpoint of Bone, the Company's decision to abolish the tax

exemption which was previously enjoyed by the rulers and nobles could perhaps be seen as an attempt gradually to erode the ruler's privileges. In the 1790s, under the governance of Willem Beth, the Dutch implemented a stricter trading procedure. In addition to the abolition of the tax exemption, the Governor also ordered that all local traders had to have a pass which detailed the cargo and its destination. This pass had to be produced when demanded by a Dutch official. One such pass issued by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh is found in ANRI Mak.l 00 No.66: "This letter of pass from the ruler of Bone was carried by Anakhoda [Captain] Langka to Ambon in order to do legitimate trade. Its purpose is to avoid any future misunderstandings. This ship is being taken out of the region by an Anakhoda in the service of the king of Bone. It has two guns at the front, a crew of sixty sailors and two metal cannons, five swivel guns [D., draaijbassen] , twelve blunderbuses [donderbussen], twenty-four guns, two pikul of gun-powder and bullets. In addition, the goods for sale are three hundred corgies of textiles and two slaves: one male th and one female. Written on the month of Sya 'ban 16 , 1208 Hijrah [equivalent to 19th March 1794]." The diary is limited in terms of the information it provides on trade disputes between the Bugis and the Dutch. In the BL Mackenzie Collection No.67, however, is found a translation from Dutch into English of a reply to one of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's letters of complaint to the Governor-General in Batavia, in which the Arumpone listed fifteen grievances against the Company and its taxation and trading practices, and demanded that the Company grant unhindered free trade to his Bugis subjects and to those of Tanete and Buton. In his reply, the Governor declined the request. saying that, in accordance with the agreement made with Admiral Speelman. the people of Bone had been granted specific areas within which to trade: to trade elsewhere. they needed to apply to the Company for permission (BL Mackenzie Collection ~0.67:80-81). The

152 growing concern on the Company's part with regard to the trading actiyities of the Bugis in the prohibited areas is apparent in the following extract from the manuscript: "The senior interpreter came to [see] the king of Bone. sent by the Governor to report on the Bugis traders who are trading in the areas prohibited to them. [Not only that, but] they have goods which they [the Bugis traders] are not allowed to sell. If they wish to trade there, they have to get a letter from the Company before any transaction can take place." (UMLIB MS. Mik.7:34) Another complaint put forward by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in his letter to the Governor-General concerned the practice of levying taxes on goods that had gone untaxed during the reign of the previous Arumpone. This gaye rise to much remonstration by the trade community (BL Mackenzie Collection No.67:88); the first complaint on this issue was lodged in 1783, and it was still a bone of contention in 1788. DAS provides no records of the paYments Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh received from the

taxation of imported and exported goods. Braam Morris informs us that in the nineteenth century it was customary for taxes to be levied at the following rates: the tax on imported foreign trade goods taken to market was calculated on the number of horses or buffaloes used to transport the goods, at f~ per animal, and twelve duitcll for goods carried by people; a small tax was also imposed by lesser nobles for the licence to chop wood and bamboo on their lands. Others, in whose jurisdiction bazaars were held. took small levies in kind from sirih, tobacco, areca nuts and other goods. Braam Morris observed that in general five percent was levied on all imported and exported goods (1892: 149-230).

5.4.4 DAS on the Chinese communities Chinese communities in Makassar exerted a great influence on external trade in South Sulawesi. Chinese traders enjoyed the patronage of the Company and local


the most commercially successful and influential trader would be appointed Kapitan Cina, and would be charged with the task of collecting taxes on trade goods and k\ics on gambling and opium smoking (Kathiritamby-Wells 1993: 134). The names of son1e of these Chinese traders are mentioned in DAS: Baba Pang, Baba Palengge. Baba Cing and Baba Congkeq. The name 'Baba' itself would suggest that they were Peranakan Chinese who had already assimilated into the cultural life of the locals by marrying local wornen(Sie 1990:114).


Presumably, the presence of these Chinese traders was economically advantageous to the Arumpone; DAS often records the Arumpone received gi fts from them. Gi fts giving by the traders to the ruler was a means of establishing relations and rapport with the king and other nobles, a necessity in a pre-modem society lacking bureaucratic structures.


Meetings between the Chinese traders and Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh are

recorded in DAS and gifts they brought him is noted: 1st March 1790: "The messenger of Baba Congkeq came to bring me some [sweet] citrus fruit [...]" (DAS:f.l11v). th

16 January 1791: "The fiscal officer, Baba Congkeq, came and brought me one batek veil, [also] one sarong cap ulu 73 sent to me by the son of Baba Pang and one handkerchief sent to me by I Congkeq' s sister" (DAS:f.117v). 11 th February 1791: "The messenger of [Baba] I Tareoq together with I Basoq came to bring me some citrus fruit" (DAS:f.118r). 19th May 1791 : "[ ... ] Baba Congkeq came and brought me half piece of coarse muslin" (DAS:f.119v). As a fiscal officer, or Pabean (B.), Baba Congkeq's name appears most frequently. The senior position of Baba Congkeq is evident from entries found in the Dutch records as well as those in the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh (DAS: Addenda



Mak.119 No.15; ANRl Mak.119 No.17). Baba Congkeq held the office of fiscal officer

in the Company-controlled area for at least three consecutive years:

2ih December 1790: ..La Hamuq came to inform me that Baba Congkeq has been reappointed as the fiscal officer at Sanggalea" (DAS:f.116r). Possibly, due to his position as Pabean that the Arumpone came into contact in person with him a number of times. The measure of favour Baba Congkeq enjoyed from Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was considerable, as can be seen from the fact that Sultan Ahmad asSalleh intervened on behalf of Baba Congkeq in a letter to the Go\'emor General dated Saturday 30th June 1792. entered in the Addendum for 1788: "I wanted to tell you personally. my brother [the Governor

General]. that I hope the office of fiscal at Makassar can be '~ I will discuss the practice of gift giving and gifts recein~d in the following chapter. '~ Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary recurrently made notes of him received and ga\c wrong cap ulll:

sarong with the 'head stamp'; of the head brand as gift.

15-+ given to Baba Congkeq because I have chosen him to do it. Since [he has been in office], the Governor at Ujung Pandang and I have not experienced any problems [from Baba Conkeq], because there are no conflicts between the traders and the fiscal officer. The fiscal officer does not meddle in the traders' activities and the traders do not create problems with the fiscal officer. Any conflicts that did occur between the fiscal officer and the traders were resolved amicably. Trade will run smoothly thanks to the fiscal officer's shrewdness. I hope that you will infonn the Governor at Ujung Pandang because he is the one who should give the order to the Sanggalean named Baba Congkeq. [..] Baba Congkeq should be given the position of fiscal officer in the land of Makassar so that trade can be run smoothly and through this the power of Bone and the Company will be unshakeable" (DAS: Addendum 1788). On the 15


July 1792, the king wrote to thank the Governor for agreeing his

proposition to allow Baba Congkeq to remain in his position as the fiscal officer, again praising his past achievement in the office (ANRJ Mak.119 No. 17). The continued appointment of Baba Congkeq was eventually confinned by the Governor General in a th

letter dated 10 December 1792 (ANRJ Mak.119 No. 15). His period in office ended in December 1793, for the diary informs us that Baba Congkeq no longer held the office, although the name of his successor is not mentioned. 1st January 1794: "Baba Congkeq no longer holds the office of fiscal officer" (DAS:f.142v).



In most Indonesian societies the accumulation of followers and access to manpower was the key to wealth and political advancement. As a result, individual chiefs and heads of state strove to gather men within their jurisdiction: peasants, traders and tighters. This was enforced by expanding their territory, by forcibly relocating populations or by offering security of life and goods, thus attracting settlers away from less able rulers. In a society where legal and financial institutions were lacking. a powerful patron would be the best security for the poor. and bondsmen the most \'aluable asset for the rich (cf. Winstedt 1961 :52-56). Reid (l983b: 157) comments upon the relnarkable phenomenon of measuren1ent of wealth in sla\'cs. \\'hich he illustrates with the following quotations: "[In Acheh]: As in the rest of Southeast Asia. the natives reckon high rank and wealth by the quantity of sla\'es a person owns." (O'Kane 1972: 177, quoted in Reid 198Jb: 157)


"[In Banten]: The one who has most [men] is held to be richer and more powerful." (Reid 1983b: 157) "[In Johor]: Each orangkaya [nobles] feared to lose his slaves, which are their only wealth." (Matelief 1608:17, quoted in Reid 1983b:158) Slavery fulfilled a need in societies where rival chiefs were in constant competition for power over the common people. In the politically turbulent climate prevalent in Southeast Asian states until the nineteenth century, might equalled power, and slaves were easy to obtain. The constant warring in which the populace was required to participate provided an easy path into slavery, since it was the custom that the defeated would become the slaves of the conquering side (Andaya 1981). Sutherland reports that during the seventeenth century in the city of Makassar, which was under the control of the Dutch Company, slaves (defined as 'any person who could be bought or sold') outnumbered freemen (1983b:268). From its very early days, the Dutch Company had complained about the shortage of manpower, and relied on slave labour to work in the docks and shipyards, in the artisan quarter and in officials' houses, and even to fill gaps in the army's lower ranks. Dutch ships would come to outlYing areas to buy people or to demand them as part of political tribute or retribution. The Company's endless need for labour stimulated the expansion and intensification of existing indigenous slave-trading networks. Lists of VOC slave population for main towns in Indonesia in the 1680s suggest that the largest single ethnic group, over thirty per cent, among the Company's slaves were the Bugis and Makasars (Sutherland 1983b:267).


The terminology of slavery in DAS

There are numerous references to the registration of sale and redemption, sentencing to slavery, and the retrieval of runaway and stolen slaves in DAS. Very few of the purchases of slaves recorded in DAS were actually made by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, and it is disappointing that no conclusions can be drawn about the number of slaves he or any of his nobles owned. The only figure on which one can base an estimate is provided by Sutherland (1983b:268) who states, on the basis of Dutch sources, that in the early eighteenth century a Bugis noble by the name of Arung Tcko possessed almost eight hundred slaves. An attenlpt to quantify the number of domestic and agricultural slaves that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh owned is further complicated by the terminology he employs. \\'hen

156 referring to the buying, selling and giving of slaves in his diary, he consistently uses the word jemma (B.) or tau (B.), both of which mean 'person', 74 rather than using the conventional word for slave, ata (B.) (Matthes 1874:805; Mattulada 1985:325: Chabot 1996:158-59). Over twenty-one years of writing the diary, in only eleven entries does he use the word ata in relation to slaves. For example: rd

23 September 1782: "I made the wife of To'walu, I Songko, and four of her children back into ata. I also took back the letter of freedom , according to Matinroe ri Malimongang's advice that they [the family] should be taken [as slaves]." (DAS:f.59v) th

24 October 1782: "I arrived at Mariso at the Governor's fort. The Maqdanrang came to bring the dowry from the taulongeng 1 Ruma, a total of 90 [real]. I said: 'He has been made an ala again.' " (DAS:f.60r) 28 th November 1782: "I informed Arung Kaju: 'I forbid you to make your relative named 1Melati an ala.' " (DAS:f.60v) 25 th September 1794: "I gave to Guru Pole a declaration with my seal, to enforce the wish of my uncle, Puwanna La Tenro, that the children of Guru Pole should not be made ala." (DAS:f.146v) It is unclear what, if anything, the usage of ala is intended to denote in these

instances. It appears that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s use of ala denotes a relationship of humility, and is employed both cordially and pejoratively. For example, when placing his daughters, princesses of royal blood, in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s care, the Dalu Soppeng referred to them as 'ala'. Presumably this emphasised the Arumpone's role as benefactor, and expressed a promise of the princesses' obedience to him: "'The Datu Soppeng placed his daughters named I Tenriesa and 1 Tenriamparang in my care. The words that he said to me [were]: 'Those two ala will come and stay with you. Only you know their well-being. I place all my faith in you. Even if a Javanese man were to propose to them and you wished them to have him as a husband, 1 will abide by it as long as it is for the best. This is all 1 want to tell you, 1 place my hope in you alone to marry [off] your ala.' " (DAS Addendum 1777:f.26v)

Matthes' definitions of the tenns are unhelpful: he definesjemma as 'de menschcn' (D.), 'the people' (Matthes 1874:459) and tau as 'mensch' (D.), 'person' (Matthes 1874:380). H


The Datu ofSoppeng's rhetoric presents the position of the king of Bone as superior to his own. By contrast, in several entries Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh refers to the Dutch as ata: rd

3 October 1782: "I Adei reported to me that he has taken back the land I [the Arumpone] had once asked the Puwattaq [Matinroe ri Malimongang] for, and which was taken by the Dutch slaves rata Balandae, B.]. I said: 'Only with my wish will you [and your land] be separated.' " (DAS:f.6Or) th

9 April 1783: "I said to I Depo: 75 'You are still the one who receives my orders when there is an arrangement [to be agreed] between the nobles of Bone and the Dutch slaves [ata Balandae, B.].' " (DAS:f.64r) 26 th May 1787: "The interpreter, I Bewereseq, came by the order of the Governor to report that a Dutch slave [ata Balandae, B.] had been killed by La Sumang." (DAS:f.93v) These entries do not refer to 'the slaves belonging to the Dutch'. Perhaps, for want of a better term, here the word ata simply means 'employees' or 'officials' of the Company. Most likely they are intended to be insulting by attributing slavish characteristics in referring to the Dutch officials in this way. It is tempting to view these entries as a means of projecting inferiority onto the Dutch, and a counterpart to Dutch assertions that the Bugis are "brutal and disobedient" (ANRJ Mak.14i: 19), and '"the most despicable and ungrateful of nations." (ANRJ Mak.117 NoA1) Where the Arumpone refers to agricultural work carried out in his fields he tends to use the formulation "I told [x] to work [my rice-fields] at Batu Malimpung." (DAS:f.34v; f.l11 v) He does not specify whether they were his slaves or whether they

were peasant farmers who had to pay him kasuwiyang. In other entries, the word tall is used to denote people given as a gift or reward by the ruler. However, no light is shed on what distinction is made by choosing this term over jemma. For example: 23 rd October 1775: HI Tenripada gave birth to a girl. I gaye her sirih salabetta [prepared betel leaves] as a token of blessing for her newborn, [and I gave her] two tau." (DAS:f.I Or)

I Depo. as written in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary. is a phonetic rendition of 'Deefhout'. a Dutch official who was an interpreter and who by ~4th May 1777 had been appointed as Bookkeeper (AXRJ .\fllk ../041·1). '5

158 th

26 March 1776: "I sent suro Daeng Situju together with Daeng Sisila to visit the Governor and to take one tau, to him." (DAS:f.13r)



August 1776: "La Nrumputirowa was circumcised. [The] ear-piercing [ceremony was held] for We Tenriesa. I gave him [La Nrumputirowa] one tau, one gun and money. Puwanna Batara Tungkeq gave a jemma to We Tenriesa. Datu Soppeng gave each of them a childjemma." (DAS:f.17r) In this last example, both tau and jemma occur in the same entry, suggesting that there is some distinction between the two types of slave. Perhaps tau would refer to an unskilled slave, whereas jemma denoted a trained house servant, as in 'serving maids' or 'serving men'. It is evident, however, that both the jemma and the tau referred to by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh were people who could be bought, owned, sold or given away.

5.5.2 Downward social mobility: from freeman to slave Based on the adat as stipulated in the Latol1'a, Niemann (Adatrechtbundels 1929:244; Mattulada 1980:31) states the circumstances under which a person was classed as a slave: "Someone is called a slave if he is led around as merchandise and someone buys him; if he says 'buy me' and someone buys him; if he was robbed of his freedom in war and is bought; if he has transgressed the customary law (adeq) or committed a crime against the king and has been sold." (Adatrechtbundels 1929:244) In addition, a man could be sold to make good his inability to pay his or his parents' debts (Adatrechtbundels 1929:245; Mattulada 1985 :31). In relation to slavery, a Kutai code, probably dating from the sixteenth century, states: "When a free man has many debts here and there, then that man is sold and his selling price is divided" (.·ldatrechtbundels 1937:320). From these sources and from the diary, we may distinguish four major paths into bondage: inheritance or sale, capture in war, judicial punishment, and failure to meet debts (cf. Reid 1983). Because the slave trade was such a profitable undertaking, it was not uncommon for traders to capture commoners and illegally sell them as slaves. A report \vritten by 1\vo Dutch official in 1799 described the widespread abduction of people, with slavc dcalers keeping their illegal captives locked in specially fortified ccllars until they wcrc able to transfer them, at night, on to ships bound for Batayia (Blok 1817: 12), Despite attemph


to enforce the registration of slaves and sales, and to prevent the enslavement of freemen, abuse was widespread. Not only were people stolen from the natiye states (notably Bone), but they were also abducted in the city itself (Sutherland 1983b:271). Abductions of freemen are also reported in DAS: rd

23 December 1781: "I Depo came and brought [some] people of Timurung and people ofPonre who had been stolen." (DAS:f.54r) th

18 August 1791 : "I gave to La Gaju, 200 real less 10 real [190 real] [compensation] on behalf of the person who stole his relative." (DAS:f.125v) th

18 September 1791: "I Kobisiq came and brought a person who had been stolen from his guardian." (DAS:f.125r) In addition, DTM also reveals freemen being stolen by nobles. In some cases the diary mentions the penalty imposed for the crime, for example: 10th January 1776 "The wife and children, five in a family, of a Jampu man named La Genni, who had been taken by Arung Pa1engoreng was returned to him and Arung Palengoreng was fined 10 real." (DTM:f.2r) 24 th June 1776 "Arung Palengorang returned Indoq Mekkoq, two in a fami1y~ [and] he [Arung Palengoreng] was fined 4 real [for stealing them]." (DTM:f.5v) Incidents of stolen people are also recorded in the Dutch sources: 3rd October 1777: "La Kasi came in the morning asking for help in retrieving a stolen Bonier belonging to the deceased king's family." (ANRl Mak.404/4) 1t h April 1778: "I sent Deethout to return to the king a stolen subject who had managed to escape and who had been found. He [Deethout] returned conveYing the king's thanks for his [subject's] return." (ANRJ Mak.404/4) There were, as already mentioned, a number of legitimate means by \\'hich a person could fall into slavery, as stipulated by the adat. In his reports, Blok (1817:27-9) stated that if a person had been sentenced to pay a fine and could not pay it. he had to enter

160 into debt-bondage with the creditor (Adatrechtbundeis 1929:144-45). It \\'as also possible to payoff debts by pawning wives, children~ siblings or other relati\'es into debt bondage, although the price for a single person never exceeded twenty-ti\t:~ or thirty Spanish reals (Blok 1817:28-9). Although bondsmen did the same amount of work as slaves, every article they spoiled, broke or lost would be added to their debt so that their debt bondage would often increase each year (Blok 1817:29). Reid stated. on the basis of pre-colonial sources on slavery in Southeast Asia, that there was effectively no difference between slavery and debt-bondage: according to several legal codes. the debtor could be sold to make good the debt (Reid 1983b: 160). When freemen became slaves as prisoners-of-war, by placing themselves under the protection of a chief or by selling themselves (or their children) to escape famine, their slave status would be passed down to their children. The status of children of slaves depended on whether Islamic law, syari 'ah (Ar..), or customary law. was employed. According to Islamic law, all children of slave women were slaves, whilst according to the adat, every alternate child was free. In Bone, it appears that the law was more inclined to the adat. If the descendents of freemen who had become slavcs failed to liberate themselves within three generations, then they would become pusaka (ld.) slaves or inherited slaves. The status of pusaka slaves would continue to apply to their progeny (Sutherland 1983b:276; Echols 1994:442). In Sulawesi, a primary distinction was made between slaves who could easily be disposed of and the pusaka slaves. Reid says that the pusaka slaves of the Mandar and the Sa'dan Toraja could neither be sold nor redeemed because their existence was too important to the dominant lineage (1983b: 162); their position was typically like that of household slaves, in an intimate relationship to their master (Friedericy 1933: 106-7; Nooy-Palm 1979:45). With regard to pusaka slaves, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh recorded in his diary the Matoa La Bukkang's legacy to him: 29 th August 1791: "The Matoa of Pare-pare came to send jemma three including children, another five Uemma] he [the Matoa] kept at Parepare: I inherited all these jemma from the Matoa La Bukkang." (DAS:f.123r) Governor Kroesen stated that the pusaka slaves had no rights. and whilst they \\'ere certainly slaves, their position depended entirely on the disposition of their rnaster: some pusaka slaves were treated like family members. Most of them, howcvcr. worked hard for little food and often received rough treatment (Sutherland 1983b:276). I f a master did not \vish to keep a slave, he could force the man to become a dcbtbondsman.

161 The status of slaves and the extent of their enslavement varied. On the eyidence of reports by Governor Kroesen in 1863, Sutherland concludes that most slaves \\'orked on the land of their master and received a share of the produce (Sutherland 1983b:275). A variety of housing arrangements and work patterns appear to have existed. Some slaves spent all their time living and working in their master's house, receiving minimal food and clothing. Others remained in their master's house, or accompanied him on journeys for only part of the year, being free for the rest of the year to make what living they could. Some had their own house and garden, but worked on the master's land. Others were generally independent and self-sufficient, being called upon by their master only for special festivities. Some were traders and traded for themselves, and a fe\\' were even rich enough to support their masters. Kroesen also reported cases of communal ownership, usually when slaves had been jointly inherited by members of a family: in such cases the slaves would work part of the year for each owner (Sutherland 1983b:276). It was the custom in Bugis countries that prisoners of war became the slaves of the

conquering side, and civilians often became victims of circumstances. The Dutch records reveal that during the second Gowa war the Bugis military heads tried to take advantage of the policy to enslave entire villages of commoners on a flimsy pretext, as the troops looted the people as well as their possessions: "The Addatuang of Sidenreng came, saYing that the slaves he had sent yesterday were not intended to reduce the debts of the Sandraboniers but for me [the Governor] to do with as I pleased. However, I replied that I could not understand how, instead of following his promise to attack the remaining and scattered rebels, he could have approved the Company's subjects being taken from their villages to be sent to me as slaves. That I had never expected such a thing but I should have suspected it as many of them had disappeared." (ANRl Mak.404/4: 11 th September 1778) "Burghof, who is in command of the troops at Malangkeri came to report that [the allies] had marched out yesterday to the mountains, had found many rebels near Bonto-Bonto and had attacked them, leaving behind seventeen dead and various prisoners of whom he brought six, all crushed men. The others had been stolen by the natives or had been driven to flee." (ANRJ Mak.286: 27 th October 1778) In DAS there are records of prisoners of war being brought to the Arumpoll(;. which he would then redistribute among his nobles:

162 th

30 August 1788: "The Tomaqbicara Butta came to bring the people of Makkajennangeng who were brought by the sura of Duri at Pao, a total of ninety-one persons." (DAS:f.l 02r) 29 th May 1793: "Datu Baringang came and brought twelve jemma. I gave him nine Uemma], they were originally from Mindanao, also from Solo and from Tidung." (DAS:f.144v) Severe crimes such as stealing from chiefs, incest, adultery, and stealing or eloping with slaves, were punishable by condemnation to slavery, often along with one's family (Blok 1817: 12-18). In times of war, the Arumpone would make threats to his soldiers and subjects not to collaborate with the enemy, on pain of being made slaves, which was the king's prerogative: 9th May 1778: "If any of you commit an offence for the second time, I will make you [slaves to] plough. If soldiers are found guilty I will barter them and their wives and children in exchange for ammunition." (DAS:f.28v; DTM:f.18r) Conspiring against the nobles was also punishable by slavery, as DAS makes clear of this: 4 th April 1792: "I ordered jennang Maros to make the son of La Genoq [a slave to] pound the rice and carry water because he was found conspiring with his sister to [influence] other jemma to harm 76 the children of the Mappajung. " (DAS:f.129r) th

Even low ranking officials could be enslaved. An entry on 25 April 1783 notes the king's decision to have the Matoa of Pulau Laiya, La Rupa, captured for failing some days earlier to meet him at a place called Gae as arranged: 28 th April 1783: "The SuIewatang of Bontoalaq came to send La Waheq who had returned from capturing the Matoa of Pulau Laiya. There was his [Matoa's] wife and children, whom La Waheq had brought: altogether there were nine people. I ga\'e three people to Puwanna Batara Tungkeq, one to La Mappatunruq and one to La Waheq." (DAS:f.64r) Most







1929:279-2S 1:

Ada!rcchtbllndels 1919: 150-21 0). However. the punishment for non-paY1TICnt of tine..;


.Happajung is a blood relation to the nobles of the court of Lu\\uq,


was enslavement. This is illustrated by the following case, recorded in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary: th

7 September 1786: "As for the descendant of the Mappajung [Anrl?guru Anakarung] who killed my horse, he will be sanctioned by the adat [together] with his children, there are five of them. I told the Anreguru Anakarung: 'The descendants of Mappajung should not be enslaved. However, you broke the adat. Only once you have paid a fine will you be freed and if you still cannot afford to pay it, you will be made [my] personal slaves.' That is my word, because they went against the adat." (DAS:f.87v)

5.5.3 Upwards social mobility from slave to favoured servant or freeman The freeing of slaves took place for several reasons. Sometimes old and incapacitated people were freed, so that the master avoided the liability of maintaining them. It was also common practice that slaves were freed as a reward for their talents as traders, or for saving their master's honour or his life, or for their bravery in war. The freeing of slaves for the services they rendered is recorded in DAS, though only rarely is the nature of their accomplishment mentioned:

4th October 1786: "I gave a declaration of freedom to La Mase after I had asked him to study the kitab." (DAS:f.87r) 8th July 1792: '"I gave Ambeq Cinampa his granddaughter named I Salesseq after she had helped Arung Timurung to give birth safely." (DAS:f.128v) On most occasions where slaves were liberated by the king, no reason is stated: 22 nd August 1776: "I released Ambeqna La Cinampa and his daughter named I Timang. I gave proof of freedom to I Pajung, the father of La Peta, La Sinrareng, La Sinapa, I Lagiq, and the father of La Kancoq." (DAS:f.16r) 1i h November 1778: "I gave freedom to the daughter of I Mangngaungi named 1 Marahuma." (DAS:f.31 v) 5th August 1791 : HI liberated La Singkeruq and I Sompung. the sons of I Makku." (DAS:f.121 r)

164 Slaves could attain positions of trust and responsibility as envoys or leaders in war. Indeed, some slaves were accorded a qualified respect although the majority


regarded as goods and might even be denied the status of a human being: they would therefore be unable to marry, own property or qualify for a funeral (Needham 1983: 14). Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary illustrates the possibility of upward social mobility for members of the slave class, usually as a reward for a service rendered: the highest positions attained by his slaves were those of messenger, sura (B.) or trusted person, fau tongngeng (B.):

3rd December 1790: "La Koda requested me to let him buy the family of Paqbariq named I Mamaq. I told him [La Koda] that he does not need to buy [I Mamaq] for I wish to [free I Mamaq and] make him tau tongngeng. Then I gave to La Mammaq a [sealed] letter [regarding his status] after becoming a tau tongngeng. " (DAS:f.116r)

The position of tau tongngeng commanded considerable respect in Bugis society and could be bestowed on a freeman or lesser noble. For example, Sultan Ahmad asSalleh promoted Sulewatang Wugi as his personal suro: 6th August 1790: "I informed the Sulewatang Wugi: 'I want another person to replace you as Sulewatang [Wugi]. As for you, I would like you to stay here [with me] and I will make you my personal messenger or courier, suro.' " (DAS:f.114r) For a mere slave to be awarded a tau tongngeng position such as sura was a considerable achievement, and a credit to the individual's talent and ability. It was the king's prerogative to free slaves, to make slaves of freemen. and even to

make slave status permanent. The latter occurs a few times in DAS, and appears to be done more for the protection of the individuals concerned than out of a genuine desire to retain thenl as slaves to the royal household: 17th August 1794: "I gave to Petta PongaH'a Pawalaie ri Luwuq [wet nurse's] son some money: 88 real to buy I Rate and his family, eight [people] in all. 1 promise that they will belong to Inc permanently." (DAS:f 146r) 21 st August 1794: "I paid 64 real for the family of La Ijoq, four [people] including a child and grandchild. They were I Sauda and onc of her daughters named I Tipa. another named I Buko \\'ith his grandson named I Borahi. I bought them after they

165 promised to be permanent [slaves]. Thus. Puwang Batara Tungkeq bought them as permanently hers." (DAS:f. 146r) One entry records that a number of nobles of Luwuq who had been ensla\'ed by the Dutch were bought by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh on the Company's diplomatic advice. presumably to save them from slavery: nd

22 April 1788: "I was advised by the Dutch through Arung Mampu to buy a family of six people of Mappajung descendence. I bought them for the price of 114 real. I asked Indoq Gawoq to send the money to the Anreguru Anakarung at Ujung Tanah and Arung Mampu handed it over. I informed the Tomarilalang with regard to the buying of people from the Dutch, that they were truly of Mappajung descent." (DAS:f.98r) A few entries show that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh would intervene on behalf of certain people to prevent them from being made slaves. We learn that it was the king's privilege to impose or lift slave status, and his authority was absolute. In a declaration written in November 1795, found in the Addendum for the year 1786, he decreed that the wish of his late uncle, Puang La Tenro, that the children of a man named Guru Pole should never be made slaves, should be observed. The declaration stresses the king's ultimate authority: Addendum 1786: 26 th Safar 1209 [Hijrah] [22 nd September 1794] on Sunday: "Whoever goes against my uncle Puang La Tenro's wish, thereby opposes my wishes." (DAS:f.89r)

In conjunction with the entry above, it appears the pronouncement was once again highlighted to forbid Guru Pole's family being made into servants or slaves: 25 th September 1794: "I gave my seal [declaration] to Guru Pole after I verified my uncle's Puang La Tenro requests to prohibit the children of Guru Pole being made slaves [or servants] [... ]." (DAS:f.146v)

5.5.4 DAS as a record on slaves During Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's lifetime and beyond, his diary served as a \'aluahle record for the endorsement of the status of individuals. In order to counteract to snme extent the widespread practice of stealing people. the Company had implemented a law with regard to the buying and selling of sla\'cs. lt decreed that once an agreement had been reached on the price of the slave, both parties had to go with an interpreter to the

166 notary's office to ask for a writ of sale, for which the buyer had to pay three rupees to both officials (Blok 1817:13-16).77 The safeguard of seeking a witness to a sale or transfer of ownership was also mentioned in other Bugis diaries: th

27 August 1778: "I Kudaq bought I Gona from La Salasseq for 60 real. I received the paYment on behalf of La Salasseq." (DTM:f.20v) th

9 November 1784: "I Logo came to have witnessed the price agreed on a To'Parigin person named La Suku whom he bought for 20 real." (DJM:f.31r) Transfers of ownership not involving a financial transaction were also recorded by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh: rd

3 November 1776: "I gave a jemma named I Temma, with five of her family members to I Parelluq. Therefore nobody can contest it." (DAS:f.17v) Exceptionally, nobles would request of the Arumpone that details concerning status, land ownership and inheritance rights be recorded in his diary. In relation to slavery. however, only once is it expressly stated that the Arumpone was asked to enter information about an individual's status in his diary: 28 th November 1782: "I told Arung Kaju: 'I forbid you to make your relative I Malati a slave'. He replied: '[And] she is freed together with her child as you wish. Her child is free too [now] because the mother has been liberated. Therefore, I request Your Highness to write it down in your diary.' " (DAS:f.59v) When a slave or debt-bondsman was freed by the Arumpone, he would provide him with a letter as proof of his new status as freeman. The declaration was stamped with the Arumpone 's seal: 13 th August 1790: HI Pentu was brought before me for me to witness his status as a freeman; with him were all the jemma given to him by [the deceased king] Puwattaq i\fatinroe ri Tippulue. I endorsed him with my seal and [on the declaration] there was also the signature of the Governor." (DAS:f.114r) " Although registration was intended to minimise abuse, it was nonetheless common practice for the buvl'r, the sl'ller, the interpreter or even the slave himself to plot with one another for financial gain. It \\'a's reported that some slaves were sold several times over to their buyers. later It) be reported stolen and then re-s()ld. By this 'off the record' business. the O\\l1er, slaves and the interpreter would profit. swindling thl' buyer (Blok 1817: 14-5). No mention of such attempt.' to defraud IS found in DAS.

167 th

26 March 1781: "I gave to I Rala my seal [stamped declaration] after I freed his grandson named I Caqbaka. This was witnessed bv 78 Amboq Wena." (DAS:f.48v) ~

Occasionally a former slave's status as freeman was challenged, but could be confirmed by presentation of the appropriate proof: th

14 December 1794: "Cilaong had I Dako tried. La Congkeq showed me as proof the seal from Maqkedangtana Daeng Mallengu who witnessed the liberation of I Dako. Therefore, I told Cilaong: 'Do not bring 1 Dako to trial again, because he has proof of being liberated.' " (DAS:f.148r) Occasionally, too, the Arumpone would intervene in disputes over the ownership of slaves: 13 th March 1779: "The Tomarilalang came to send [to me] the jemma [belonging to] Daeng Mangapu who had been taken by I Bakasi. 1 ordered [the conflict] to be investigated." (DAS:f.34v)

i h June 1785: "[ ... ] Disputes between the Sulewatang of Pa1akka and Matoa of Tanete. Ruled in favour of Palakka, three jemma. Conflict between Sulewatang of Pome and jennang La Mana. Ruled in favour of [Sulewatang of] Pome, two jemma. Conflict between Lasiq and La Sareq. Ruled in favour of La Sareq, seven jemma because he gave a declaration with the seal of Puwatta Matinroe ri Tipulue as proof. 1 validated it. Conflicts between La Caqdeweq and La Mammaq. Ruled in favour of La Caqdeweq, 76 real. These rulings cannot be contested. [... ] The three jemma of Ambeqna La Masi who were held by Puang La Sangaji were returned to La Masi." (DAS:f. 78r) 23 rd September 1786: "I Sabibi came, there were also 1 Ati and her daughter who brought along a jemma disputed by I Weru and her stepmother. However, both have no right to the jemma.·' (DAS:f.87v) In their own areas of jurisdiction. the Tomarilalang and other nobles would make similar pronouncements on legal disputes over sla\'cs:

~s Amboq or 'father' is use to address a man in a polite way by referring to his first child', name; for

example, Amboqna Safwan means .father ofSafwan',



5 November 1780: "[Concerning] the people who were disputed by the surD La Toneq and To' Ankeq at Awampone, I ruled in favour of La Toneq. Both parties reached an agreement and La Toneq received six [people]." (DTM:f.35r) loth January 1781: "[Concerning] the people who were disputed by Indoq Cangkere and a person from Menegalung, Indoq Cangken~ won the case and so she was entitled to the four slaves who had been under dispute: I Paca, I Mani, I Dawa and La Warekkeng." (DTM:f.37r)

Cases of theft which required the intervention of the Arumpollc; and the fines payable, are recorded in DAS: 9th June 1791: "I asked La Rate to bring the jemma belonging to Hodopeleq 79 who was taken by the people of Wajoq." (DAS:f.120r) rd

23 January 1794: "I asked La Sakka to take to the Governor two jemma who had been taken by I Kaseng. The senior interpreter came on the Governor's orders to deliver the Governor's thanks for their return." (DAS:f.l42v)

Dutch sources also mention the theft of slaves. Often victims of such crimes would turn to the Governor for help in retrieving their property: "The Chinese Peranakan, Intje Tareoq, who had complained about Daeng Manjarongie's theft of his slave woman, came with more complaints that the same person has stolen another slave and various goods from Lamanjan." (Al\/RJ th MakA04/4:24 June 1775) DAS does not detail the punishment imposed for the crime of the theft of sla\'cs.

although a few entries from other diaries mention fines payable for having stolen another person's slave. The introduction of written legal codes on Islamic lTIodels gave slaves a theoretical legal value, usually less than half that of a freeman. Even the smaller fines which had to be paid for killing, injuring, or raping a slave \\'ere seen as compensation to the owner for damage to his property. rather than to the slave (Adatrcchtbundels 1919: 157-60; Adatrechbundels


According to Blok

(1817:5), the Supreme Council in Batavia imposed a decree in 1773 that set out

punishments for the abduction and theft of free people or slaves. If the theft had becn

") llodopekq i~ presumably a corruption of a foreign. probably Dutch. name.

169 committed on free people, the punishment was to be whipping. branding and banishment for life; if on slaves, whipping only, and banishment for a number of years. If the Dutch were found to commit such offences, they were sent back to the Netherlands; the Governor in Council at Batavia also imposed a higher fine of 200

rijksdaalders on a purchaser or detainer of freemen. Corporal punishments such as whipping, flogging and branding for the theft of people, whether slaves or freemen. is absent in DAS.


DAS on the economic importance of slaves

Although Sutherland says "the slaves of Indonesians had always had ceremonial and display functions" (Sutherland 1983b:264-65), the possession of slaves was important in freeing their master from manual labour, and thus marking him as a substantial citizen (Reid 1983b: 166). Crawfurd, commenting on slavery in Malacca, stated: "You \dll not find a native Malay who will carry on his back his own or any man's property, however much you may offer him for doing so" (Crawfurd 1856:404.). Gervaise, \'isiting Celebes (Makassar) around 1700 remarked upon the expression niya ala, meaning 'he has slaves', to express the socio-economic position of a person, and stated that the Makasar gentry "believe it a piece of indecency [... ] to till the ground, or follow any mechanic art" (Gervaise 1971 :94). Reid (1983b: 171) mentions there are numerous reports of slaves as agricultural labour in the hinterland of the trading cities: they were most widely reported in domestic functions, in construction and other manual labour, and as traders in the market. Sutherland (1983b:268) hypothesises that much of the labour used in rice growing in the northern districts of Makassar had always been provided by sla\"Cs. Among the Sa'dan Toraja (of South Sulawesi), certain types of labour, such as carrying water, cutting wood and handling the dead (both animals and humans), were typically seen as slaves' work, whilst the most fundamental slave role in this society was indicated by the traditional label "those who are used like buffalo on the sawah [paddyfields]." (Nooy-Palm 1979:86-91) What is striking is the rapid turnover of slaves trafficked through the court of Bonc. as they were re-sold or redistributed elsewhere within a few days of their purchase. Some of the slaves the Arumpone received or bought \\'ould stay at court. and some would be distributed to cater for his needs elsewhere: 14th Apri I 1781 :

""The Maqdanrang together with the Tomarilalang came to bring a total of sixty-four jemma, who were brought by Arzmg


Kaju. I gave thirteen to the Tomarilalang and the remaining fifty-one I kept, and told the Maqdanrang to send them to work in the harbourmaster's stores." (DAS:f.49r) 15 th April 1781: "Whereas those I kept, under jennang bola, were To' Ala. eight with his children and wife; I Rumia, seven with his children and wife; I Jamila, eight with her children; [and] La Madu, all totalling twenty-four people." (DAS:f.49r) Some slaves would be sent to work for the harbourmaster or the jennang bola. as indicated in these entries, or on the Arumpone's rice fields. Reid relates that some sources describe bought slaves being put to work on the master's land, where the further the fields worked by the slaves were from the master's house. the more the slaves resembled in practice serfs or even tenant farmers (Reid 1983b: 171). In the miscellanous notes that form part of the diary's codices, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentions slaves of Timurung origin whom he had bought, and who were to be transferred from Dowali to take care of his rice-fields at Leija (DAS:f.184). Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh must have possessed slaves in ample numbers. Possibly they were housed in various locations across the region, as suggested by the entry cited above, and by the following entry: 18th July 1786: "I asked to take some of the jemma at Palakka. fifteen were [originally] from Maros, fourteen were from Pa1akka. nine had come from Tanatenga and five from Topupue, making a total of forty-three." (DAS:f.85v) Radermacher (1824) states that it had been the custom since the rule of Raja Palakka

(Arung Palakka Malampeq-e Gemmeqna) that the island Bonerate, which was given on loan to that king, was where he and his successors had their dancing girls taught and brought up. However, this is not mentioned in DAS. Other members of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's family also possessed their own slaves. In miscellaneous notes written in different sections of DAS (f.178r-f.181 v). Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh includes lists of the slaves he gave to twelve of his children:

Arung Timurung, Arung Data, Arung Palakka, Arung Sumaling, Arllng PanYnyiliq. .-lrung Kayuwara, Arung Palengoreng, Arung Malaka. Arllng Lompu, Arll!1g Karella. La Temmupageq and Pattupubatue. Each received twelve slaves fr0111 the .-lrllmpO!1(; and the slaves are individually named: DAS also records his wife lnaking her own purchases of slaves (DAS:f.146r).

171 By examining the diary's entries relating to sla es


er a ten- ear period 1780-

1789, some information on the movement of slaves through the ro al court can be obtained:

Year 1780 1781 1782 1783 1784 1785

Slaves receil'ed 5 2 4 4 1 13



1787 1788

3 8


4 52 slaves

Price paid

Sla,'es gi,'en

Price recei,'ed

away 0 0 0 0 0 85 real (3 slaves) 30 real (1 slave) 0 114 real (6 slaves) 0 229 real

10 7 3 6 8 6

0 0 0 0 0 0



7 3

0 0

5 55 slaves

0 0

Table 5.8: Record of slaves received and slaves given away by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, 1780-1789 (source: DAS) In the above table, a number of things are apparent. In the first place, the number of slaves received and the number given away as gifts maintain a rough equilibrium. Second, across the ten-year period, only three purchases of slaves in exchange for money took place, and no slaves were sold by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. Evidently, the

Arumpone did not seek to make a profit from the sale of slaves, neither was it necessary for him to buy them. On the contrary, the gi ing away of slaves could be a shrewd financial move, since a large number of slaves especially if they were resident in the household, would mean a large financial burden as a result of their upkeep. The majority of the slaves Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh recei ed were gifts at traditional ceremonies, for the most part from newlywed couples among his noble and relati e

(DA :f.16v· f.43r), or from a foreign ruler (DA :f8r; f16 ). The Arumpon' al received slaves as gifts from his relati e and noble

hen he uffered mi hap


uch a

hen his palace caught fire (DA :f.30 . D1M:f20 ). Ii t of all financial tran action relating to la e alleh of la

a in




b th court:

er tent -one ear





hmad a -

orne Ii ht on th bu in and ellin


/)tlte 09/0711778 25/0711778 24110/1779 10/0611785 14/10/1786 22/04/1788

2911111791 08/0111792 05/02/1792

Nun,ber 0.( shives I Kamumu + a child

Price bougl,t

I Camaq Two daughters of jennang Panyulaq Threejemma Son of La Basoq Palari Six members of the Mappajung La Juwana Dareweq's husband

30 real

16/08/1792 05/03/1793

I Ami + wife + child I Karoro + child

15/02/1794 05/0611794

One jowa I Opo and I Adaiq (children of I Laiia) Bought: 25 slaves (including children)


Nun,ber ofslal'es

Price sold

I Sore, five in a family

140 real

Sold: 5 slaves

140 real

40 real

20 real 85 real 30 real 114 real

30 real 30 real

100 real

66 real 16 owang 33 real 2 tai = 16 real 594 real, 16 owang

Table 5.9: Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s financial transactions relating to slaves, 1775-1795 (source: DAS) It appears from DAS that the Arumpone's ownership of slaves did not directly

contribute cash revenue from their sale, but instead generated profits indirectly as the manpower for agricultural labour. Unfortunately, the economic value of the work carried out by one slave is impossible to quantify as, across its span of twenty-one years, DAS reveals little about the revenues generated by his ownership of slaves. DJM reports that on 24th September 1783 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh purchased two

children (probably to be taken into his service). This was reported by the jennang of Maros: 24th September 1783: "Arllmpone asked To'Gangka and juruba a [interpreter B.] La Pidde to go and pay for the purchase of the child of Arllng Kajuara and the child of the ulewalallg 112 [real]. (DJM:f55r) Thi transaction i not mentioned in DA, oth r tran action of la es that diary.


ould ugge t that there


ultan Ahmad a - alleh ne lected to record in hi

uch, the Anlmpone' diary e po e it in ufficienc in d alin

ith matt r

of his household economy, especially relating to the number of sla\"es he had, as \\"ell as the transactions in slaves that he made. Whilst the uses of slaves were various, the specific purposes of the different sla\'es and the skills they possessed are not mentioned in DAS. Only in one entry are we told of the kind of work typically left to slaves: th

4 April 1792: "I asked the jennang of Maros to take the son of La Genoq to be a rice pounder and water carrier [... ]." (DAS:f.127r) Slaves served as a simple commodity, perhaps more so when currency was in short supply, and could be bartered for goods: h

1i January 1786: "The Sulewatang of Palakka came and brought me three jemma. The three of them said they had been exchanged for blowpipes." (DAS:f.82v) 1i h April 1795: "I bought a pair of kaparia guns, for the price of one boy." (DAS:f.144r) Dutch sources state that Bone's debt to the Company was partly paid in slaves: "The Tomarilalang and Sulewatang of Bone and the Gellarang of Bontoalaq came in the morning to pay part of the [Bone] state's debts bringing two male and two female slaves and 800 rijksdaalder of cash asking it be accepted, which it was after the slaves had been inspected and found to be acceptable." (ANRl Mak.404/4:1i h February 1777) No information on the reason for Bone's debt to the Company is given in DAS, only that Bone owed the Company 1800 real (DAS:f.21v; f.24v), and that when Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh became Arumpone, the Company reminded him of the debt (DAS:f.32v). The debt is explained in DTM (on 12 th February 1777) as the result of the

Peneki war of 1757 between Bone and Wajoq during the reign of Sultan Abdul Razak Jalaluddin (DTM:f.l0v; Rachmah et.a!. 1976:163). In DTM, the Tomarilalang states that he was asked by the Maqdanrang to see Governor Vander Voort to settle Bone' s debt. The delegates of Bone brought along with them 640 real and 1000 doi mara.ia. four jemma (two male and two female) as part of the debt settlement. The jemma were valued by the Governor at 40 [real] each (DT:\f:f.l Ov). Other Bugis diaries also mention the use of slaves as a means of pa~lnent. In the Do.\!. entries relating to this abound:

174 th

29 March 1793: "La Sore gave his jemma, a family of two, to La Bada for the price of 50 real and thus La Sore's debt to La Bada has a balance of 190 [rea!]." (DoM:f.25r) nd

22 April 1793: "Arung Cina took I Kawari' s child because I Kawari had a debt with Jamali, the scribe, who had been bought by Arung Cina for 28 real." (DoM:f.26v) th

6 March 1795: "The jennang of Maros and his surD have received the payment of tax in [selected]jemma." (DoM:f.39r) Slaves were also used as a pledge in guarantee of loans of money: a loan of 100 real was secured from Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh by La Paqbata against ten of his slaves (DAS:f.154r).

In times of war, the use of slaves as soldiers could be vital. The Governor. during the Gowa war, stated that their shortage of combatants could be overcome with the assistance of the slaves of non-military personnel of the Company: "I have asked the townspeople [burghers, D.] and civil employees [pennisten, D.] who might agree to it to support the attack on Gowa as volunteers with their slaves, for which twenty-seven people have registered promisin~ at least a hundred and twenty people." (ANRI Mak.404/4:9 t July 1777) In many entries, DAS mentions slaves being given as gifts on their own, or along with money or other items. As his new-year gift to the Governor, the Arumpone would usually present the Governor with a slave, which in a few entries he specifies as a female slave. On some occasions the slave is mentioned as being in full dress: on others, no details are mentioned. Most likely, the female slaves were intended as objects of entertainment and as sexual partners for the high-ranking Dutch officials: presumably the choice of gift was acceptable to the recipient: 16th July 1790: "I ordered To'Gangka to take a female jemma to the Admiral." (DAS:f.113v) Other occasions in the Bugis social sphere where it was customary to a make a gift of slaves were the rites of passage such as births. a child's fIrst meal, a child's first steps. circurTIcision, ear-piercing, teeth filing, engagements and \\'eddings. It was alsu customary to give slaves as part of a bride price, with the number of sla\~s increasing in proportion to the purity of one's nobility. For example:

17 5 h

1i November 1787: "I Pipa was proposed to by Arung Rappang. His proposal was accepted and the bride price was given: two kati, two tai, and two jemma." (DAS:f.94v)

i h April 1789: "La Makkulawu proposed Batara Tungkeq and was accepted. The bridewealth was sent: three kati, three tai and three jemma." (DAS:f. 105r) lih April 1790: "I Masira was proposed to by I Ambo. I accepted his proposal and her bride price was sent: one kati, one tai, and one jemma." (DAS:f.112r) Slaves would also be given as a token of blessing after an illness, a miscarriage, or other misfortune: 1st September 1778: "The Datu of Soppeng contributed to me one jemma after my palace [at Malimongang] caught fire [... ] The Tomarilalang gave onejemma [to me]." (DAS:f.30v) 16th December 1794: "After 2 o'clock [in the afternoon], Puang Batara Tungkeq gave birth to a boy [... ] I gave to Puang Batara Tungkeq two jemma as a token of my relief that she is safe." (DAS:f.148r) Although infrequently mentioned by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. jemma were used as part of the nobles' paYment of kasuwiyang to the Arumpone: 13 th October 1777: "La Iwoi came to bring his kasuwiyang, two jemma." (DAS:f.24r) 1i h September 1791 : "My uncle, Arung Kaju, came from Pare-pare and he brought along with him onejemma as kasuwiyang from the Matoa [of Pare-pare for me]." (DAS:f.121v) Whilst the diary gives some idea of the prices paid for slaves. on the whole the infonnation is of nlore relevance to social organisation than to economic activity. One function of the diary was as a record of slave ownership, slave status and the settlement of disputes; the king's role as benefactor when giving slaves. and the homage he receivcd from his nobles and subjects through gifts of slaves. are social rather than cconomic aspects.

176 In economic tenns, DAS reveals that slaves did not generate cash profits from their sale for the court, but instead generated indirect profits from the production of agricultural goods. However, DAS does not allow any conclusion to be reached about the total number of slaves owned by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, nor about the amount of revenue they contributed to his treasury. I will now turn to other sources of re\'enue for the king's treasury.


Other revenues


Grants from the Dutch

Close study of his diary reveals that the main source of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s cash income was the Company's annual grant to him. Dutch records inform us that on th

26 February 1774 it was agreed between Sultan Abdul Razak Jalaluddin and Govcrnor Van der Voort that the Arumpone would be paid one thousand Spanish dollars or rijksdaalder annually (BL Mackenzie Collection No.67:88). It appears that this grant

was in payment for the assistance given by the king's employees to the Dutch tax collector at the toll bar under the Company's jurisdiction. Despite the agreement, it seems that the promised payment to the Arumpone was not honoured in that fonn. In a letter to Governor van der Voort, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh complained that: "The Tomarilalang [... ] informed me that a letter had arrived from the king in the inlands consisting of complaints against the toll bar tax collector, who, despite this having been agreed, refused to pay the sweetener [het douceur, D.]8o that the king should be paid annually in small coinage for the assistance of his employees." (ANRI Mak.405/3: 1i h April 1777) Governor Van der Voort remained adamant that no promise to make payment in small coinage had been made and that, had the agreement been such, it would ha\c been adhered to. Moreover, there was not sufficient availability of sil\cr coinage, and funds would only become available to the tax collector if the Bugis were ordered to pay their ri\'cr tolls: HMoreover, no payment was obtainable from here, as [money] is only ever sent here from Bata\'ia for the COlnmon employees. The word 'douceur' is not featured in the Dictionary of Standard Dutch. Because of the contemporary French cultural imperialism. however, the word can be understood as deri\"ing from the French dOll.\". --oft. to fonn douct'ur, 'softness'. 'softener'; hence. in relation to finance. 'sweetener' (Larou'\'\c Dicriollnai,.c 80

Frall~'(/is 1994).

1" But that I did know of a means for the king to get the money. namely for all Bone traders to be ordered to pay the tolls to the tax collector to enable him to pay His Highness [Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh], and that they could tell him this as my reply." (ANRI Mak.405/3: 1i h April 1777) In relation to the Dutch grants, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh informs us that he receiyed a sum of 800 real, which corresponds to the agreed sum of 1000 rijksdaalder: 21 st June 1781: "La Hamuq informed me that he has taken the grant from the Pabean a total of 200 [real], therefore there remains a balance of 600 [real] that I have not taken." (DAS:f.50r) This amount was not paid in a lump sum, but Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was required to send an official to request it from the Dutch fiscal officer, Pabean (B.). on an ad-hoc basis: 8th May 1780: "La Gtong came from Ujung Pandang and there was also my money that I asked for from the Pabean, an amount of 400 [real]." (DAS:f.42v) 1t h July 1782: "I took 100 real from the Pabean, balance remaining eighty real." (DAS:f.57v)

i h November 1783: "La Hamuq came to bring my money from the Pabean. 230 [real], therefore I have taken all my money [from the Pabean] for this year." (DAS:f.66v) In addition to the privileges he enjoyed from the Dutch Company. Sultan Ahmad asSalleh benefited from a number of other sources of income that were traditionally the prerogative of the local ruler.

5.6.2 Tax from the Cenrana river toll bar Until the creation of macadam roads, people frequently used the rivers as their main routes of transportation, as they were faster and easier than using land tracks. The Cenrana River, the longest river in Bone, was a major waterway that proyided access to Lake Tempe and the rich agricultural heartlands of South Sulawesi. and linked the interior parts of Bone to the outside world (Pelras 1996: 132). Until the mid-sixteenth century. the ruler of Luwuq controlled the lower Cenrana River. but around 1560

178 Luwuq was defeated by Bone, which gained control over the Cenrana River (Bulbeck and Caldwell 2000:83). The Cenrana River serviced several areas before it joined the Gulf of Bone. From Cenrana it passes through villages such as Welado, BuIll, Pattialeq, Awampone and Pallima before it reaches the sea. Use of the river as the main channel for transportation also engendered a dominant topos of upstream - downstream in local thinking. To quote Andaya (1993:94): "people will say they are going downstream even when there is no water to be seen" and "[indicate] the situation of places by a simple reference to the ascent and descent of the river".81 Any vessels using the Cenrana River would be subjected to freight levies and toll bars, and local noblemen were able to exercise a degree of economic and political control over the people living along a particular length of the major waterway. Owing to the significant role of the river Cenrana as the main inland trade route, it would be unsurprising if the control of activities along the main waterway was the monopoly of the Arumpone (Adatrecthbundels 1919: 172-3). However, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh seems to have had a direct control only on the lower reaches of Cenrana, from his fortified palace at Nagauleng. Cenrana is named as a source of revenue he received from tolls on trading. Local rulers living higher up the reaches of the Cenrana river may have imposed their own local taxes or duties on trading. A similar situation appears in Jambi in the seventeenth century where, as noblemen realised the advantage they could draw from the increased volume of trade, they set up tollhouses along the rivers (Andaya 1993:98). DAS informs us that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh received cash from the levy on

Cenrana river. The responsibility for collection of the levies was assigned to a handful of people, whom Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh frequently mentions in his diary: La Bora, La Sida and La Rate (DAS:f.16v; f.22r; f.44v; f.50r; f.64r). Probably they were lesser nobles, most likely jennang, who were led by the Anreguru Cenrana, the head of Cenrana. The sums of taxes Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh obtained in river tolls were not consistent from one year to the next, which is demonstrated in Table 5.10:

Similar to the situation described by Andaya, a concept of '~p' and 'down' is emplo~ed in ~uth Sulawesi oriented towards the principal administrative area, mdependent of geographical location. During y fieldwork in Bone (in 1999), the people from Ti~~ng, Cenra~a, .Palakka. !Jsa and a few other inland areas would use the word menreq (B.), meanmg to go [up] , If they Wished to go to Watampone. 81


179 YellT



1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780 1781 1782 1783 1784


o payment Three payments Four payments No payment No payment Six payments Two payments One payment One payment One payment in cash and one payment in gold, worth two

220 real 180 real

338 real 150 real 100 real 300 real 220 real + gold

taijawa. 82

1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 Total:

522.5 real 334 real

300 real 200 real

110 real 160 real 200 real 3,334.5 real + 2 taijawa

Two payments Two payments No payment One payment One payment No payment No payment One payment One payment No payment One payment

of gold

Table 5.10: Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's revenue from the Cenrana river, 1776-1795 (source:DAS) Across the twenty-one year period, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh received an amount of

3,334.5 real in fourteen payments, an average of 167 real per year. The payments were th

mostly made in cash, with the exception of the entry on 30 March 1784, when the tax payment from Cenrana was in gold. The above table, however, provides no further insight into the absence of any revenues from the waterway for six and a half years. 83 For example, no revenues were received from Cenrana in the years 1778 and 1779. The elimination of tax and the cessation of activities along the waterway are both untenable e planations. During the period 1778-1779, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh informs u of hi presence at Makassar to help the Company to fight I Sangkilang, but there is no ob iou reason why payments were absent in other years. If the revenue for the preceding ear a carried over to the next, the amount of revenues he recei ed for the folio ing ear - Tabl . di pIa.' that Irai equals real. thu 2 rai quaIs 16 real. Ho\\ yer. atthe (1 ~) doc not gi' much h Ip on th d finition of rai jawa specifically. If 1 rai jawa also equal real. th total of ultan Ahm d - 11 h' re nu from C mana for th year 17 ~ would be 2 6 real. Th ar for th.· 177 . 1779. 17 7. 1790. 1791 and 1 9~. ultan Ahmad a - all h ,a m d Arumpone in I.' Joo 177 . Thus. th first i.' months of th r 177 ,. r di r ard d. 1

180 do not reflect this; in addition, the inconsistent amounts of cash he received suggest no pattern in his annual income. Besides the levies from the river of Cenrana, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh also received taxes levied at the toll bar at Laoniq, in Bone: th

6 December 1785: "(60) I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq to collect the tax from the estuary of Laoniq." (DAS:f.81r) th

25 December 1785: "I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq to gather the tax from the estuary of Laoniq." (DAS:f.81r) Although DAS does not explicitly note the amount of cash the Arumpone received, I deduce that it was 60 real from the number (60) written in the entry of 6th December 1785. My presumption is supported by the similar notation used when he infonns us of the numbers of slaves that twelve of his children received (DAS:fols 179v-181 r). DAS also informs us that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh drew additional income from the

waterway by leasing ships to other nobles: 20 th October 1782: "Karaeng Manjareki came from Sanrabone 84 to bring me the payment from the rental of ships, an amount of 20 real." (DAS:f.59r)

Although mentioned only once, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's involvement In the leasing of ships probably helped to boost his ready cash.

5.6.3 Financial penalties and gambling revenues Within the Bugis society, social values and norms were based upon the adat. The importance of the adat was such that, according to folk belief, if a ruler were to disregard the adat, calamity would befall the kingdom: "the saguweer85 will no longer drip down, no more fish will show themselves above the surface of the water and the rice harvest will fail." (Adatrechtbundels 1929:247) Any person going against the ada! would face social sanctions and punishments, which varied according to the severity of the offence, from financial penalties to capital punishment.

Sanrabone is situated in the west coast of the southern part of South Sulawesi. s~S{/g"H'ee,. is a kind of drink, locally known as nira (Id.). It is deriyed from the sagl) palm..\fter fermentation, in its alcoholic guise. it is known as luak. comparable to arak. S-I

181 Abdul Hamid (1985:17-23) states that there was no exemption for kings and nobles who transgressed the teachings of the adat law as expressed by the Bugis saying: "adeq-

e temmakeanaq temma keeppo", meaning 'the adat [law] does not know [distinguish] [who is] son and does not know [distinguish] [who is] grandson'. This appears to be borne out by historical facts: "[that in Wajoq] the son of the tenth Arung Matoa of Wajoq (1564-1567), La Pabbele, was sentenced to death by his father because he was guilty of rape." (Abidin 1973: 19) "[In Bone] the son of the twenty-first Arumpone La Patau, named La Temmasongeq, was exiled to Buton for killing Arung Tibojong, a member of the Adeq Pitu, although his act was in response to being insulted in public by the latter." (Abidin 1973:19) "[In Gowa] the thirteenth ruler of Gowa, I Tepu Karaeng Daeng Parabbung, was dismissed and banished into exile in Luwuq, he was hated by the people and nobles because of his despotism." (Abidin 1973 :20)

From the examples above, it is clear that kings and rulers could not consider themselves beyond the reach of the adat. However, the adat was applied only in certain respects; above all, its guiding principle was that of the right of retribution. Mob justice and vigilante acts inflicted by victims of crime on their perpetrators were commonplace, and the right to commit acts of retribution against people of the same or lower status was unchallenged. The right to retribution did not, however, apply vis-a-\'is one's social superiors. This is, in my view, a fundamental inequality of the adat, and is confirmed by the different punishments imposed, which Matthes (Adatrechtbundels 1929:278-82) states varied according to status. In all kingdoms in South Sulawesi there was a Council of nobles. In Bone. the

Arung Pitu or the Seven Lords' foremost duty of the Council was to maintain the old customs of the land, and to act as judges in both civil and criminal cases

(Adatrechtbundels 1929:253; Brooke 1848: 133-45). Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentions adjudicating in disputes involving his nobles, his rulings on which could not be challenged:

i h June 1785: "I went to the baruga to adjudicate [... ] Conflict between La Caqdeweq and La Mammaq. Ruled in favour of La Caqdeweq, 76 real. These rulings cannot be contested [... ]." (DAS:f. 78r)


In upholding the law at the central level, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was assisted bv his






the Maqdanrang,



Maqkedangtana. At the lower administrative levels, the regent or lesser nobles such as the jennang, sulewatang, gellarang and the matoa were delegated \\"ith the same responsibilities: as conciliator, mediator or judge. This is evident in DJM. DTAf and

DoM, which make mention of their responsibility to adjudicate in disputes among subjects: 11 th May 1780: "La Beta and Puang I Asiq had a dispute [and] Puang I Asiq was found innocent whilst La Beta was found guilty. Sulewatang Boliq was appointed to give the verdict." (DJM:f.4r) th

5 March 1781: "Disputes between La Semmang and La Matti. Ruled in favour of La Semmang. The Paqbicara handed over twelve slaves at Pattiro to La Semmang [... ]." (DTM:f.38r) th

14 December 1793: "Disputes between La Umma and Daikkeng. Ruled in favour of Daikkeng and the four buffaloes were handed over to Daikkeng [ ... ]." (DoM:f.30v) Where the criminal conduct was not punishable by a mandatory death scntence, corporal punishment, slavery or the confiscation of property. financial penalties appear to have been the most common punishment. DAS relates numerous cases where nobles and commoners were ordered to pay fines as a result of their wrongdoings:



June 1785: "[ ... ] The Tomarilalang came to bring the fines from the Heads of Cina, one kati one tai, Pasaka, one kati one tai, Aleq, one kati one tai and Towa, one kati one tai, because they left for their villages without asking permission." (DAS:f. 78r) The amount of the financial penalties depended on two key factors: the sevcrity of the offence, and the social positions of perpetrator and victim (Adatrcchtbundels 1919: 157). Despite the adat's claim to impartiality, the differing punishments for people of noble birth and commoners would suggest an inherent duality (Adatrechbul1dcls 1929:277). Matthes states that when a freeman killed a sla\"e. he needed only to pay thc fine: he could not be killed (in retribution).

In the opposite case, if a slave ki lIed a

freeman, the slave was condemned to death and therc was no tine. \\"here two pcopk \\"crc of the same class, and one killed the other, then the family of the \"ictim could takc revcngc by applying the law of retribution on the murderer. If, howc\cr. thc murderer

183 fled in time, and placed the matter in the hands of the judge, it would be settled simply by paying a fine (Adatrechtbundels 1929:276). Matthes listed the amount of compensation payable for committing a crime against the following: - Karaeng - Anakaraeng - Gellarang (autonomous) - Commoners (male) - Commoners (female) - Slaves

5 tail 2'li tail 1'li tail 'li tail 1 tail ~ tail (Adatrechtbundels 1919: 157)

Although Matthes was writing in 1885 and referring to the situation in Makassar, I presume that a comparable law applied in Bone, in that nobles who committed offences would meet with less severe financial penalties in relation to their means, in comparison to common people. In the Bugis kingdoms there was even a fine known as sebbu katz", which had the set value of 8,888 real and 88 doi. This penalty was payable by a king or other head, if a visiting person born of royal blood was murdered in their area. Although such a crime could only occur on the orders of the king or ruler, in practice it was the populace who paid the fine (Matthes 1874:692; Adatrechtbundels 1929:281). Fines were imposed not only for crimes such as murder, abduction, theft, rape and the like, but also for failing to fulfil one's duty to the king or ruler. Friedericy (1933:542) states that in the time of Gowa's kings, failure to fulfil kasuwiyang without a valid reason was punishable by a fine of two or four real. It appears in DAS that the Arumpone did not sit in judgement on all offences.

Perhaps only complicated cases involving his own family members and nobles, or the subjects of the Company and its main interests, would be adjudicated by him: 29 th February 1792: "The junior interpreter came to bring the Bonier who was caught by the Marinyo [Dutch official] for stealing, and I ordered the culprit to be sent to prison." (DAS:f.126r) 1st September 1790: HI ordered I Manesa, I Dowa, I Ninnong, and the medi~ine­ man Coda to be strangled to death because they conspired to poison the food and drink of Puang Batara Tungkeq. \ly sister. Arung Tajong, reported to me that the culprits had been strangled to death." (DAS:f.114v) In ~ases where he did not sit in judgement, reports of the ruling~ would be sent to hilTI. For example:

1 4


19 April 1781: "The Maqdanrang informed me of the death of La Iwu ho kidnapped the child [daughter] of Arung atuju and [for which] he [La Iwu] was caught and killed. (DA :f.49r) Where the guilty were punished by financial penalties a part of the fine

a gl en

to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. Braam Morris states that certain percentages of fine

Ie ie

and settlements on disputes were taken by the ruler and lesser nobles and that the e fines could vary fromf2 tof176.80 according to the severity of the crime and the rank and class of the accused (Braam Morris 1892: 183 199 210). The situation in Suppaq, described in 1907, is noteworthy. The Datil of uppaq


also the head of adat, and, when he was away from Suppaq, he would be repre ented in this function by the head ofjustice, the Kepala Bicara (Id.). If he could not adjudicate a matter, the adat would be called together to take a joint decision. The fees payable for adjudication were a fixed percentage of the value of the goods disputed


of the e fee

the Datu of Suppaq would take half, while the other half was di ided among the members of the adat (Adatrechtbundels 1929: 192). Although this account is ub equent to the period of this research, perhaps it is representative of the division of adjudication fees between the ruler and nobles in the Bugis kingdoms. DAS records receiving cash from the collection of fines, 'panro a (B.) or 'ro a , damages, 'tokkong' (B.), 87 as well as in the form of pardon gifts, •


oq' (B.) (Matthe

1874:277; 523; 763). By tabulating these financial penalties for the twenty-one year period 1775-1795, we can attempt to learn how much they would contribute to hi revenues:




1775 1776 1777 1778

3 kati 3 tai + 100 real 40

1779 1780 1781

2 2

1 kat; 1 ta; 20 r jal

1 In ci ;1 eli put . th pa.1D nt du tim th . lu of th

2 = 80 real 40 real 22 real











1785 1786

1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795

Grand total

1 x Sosoq 2 x dampeng 1 x dampeng 1 x Tokkong 1 x Tokkong 1 x Sosoq 1 x Sosoq 1 x dampeng 1 x Tokkong 2 x Sosoq 1 x dosa 1 xPanrosaq

Sosoq Panrosaq 2 x dampenf.( 1 xPanrosaq 1 x Tokkong 1 x Tokkong 1 x Tokkong 1 x Panrosaq 1 xPanrosaq 1 xPanrosaq 1 x dampenf.{ 1 x Tokkong 1 x dampenf.(

No data 1 x Tokkonf.( 2 x Tokkong 1 x Tokkong No data No data 1 x Tokkong 3 xdampenf.{ 1 x Tokkong 3 x dampenf.(i Panrosaq = lOx Tokkong = 19 x Dampeng = 17 x Sosoq = 8 x


1 horse

28 real 106 persons 1 horse

88 real

1 tai (8 real) 1 kati 1 tai 1 kati 1 tai

4 kati 4 tai (from 4 paliliq) 1 kati 1 tai 14 real 140 real 1 kati 1 tai 30 real 1 kati 1 tai No data

88 real

176 real 370 real -

2 kati tai 88 real -

2,534 real 2 horses 106 persons

Table 5.11: Financial penalties received by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, 1775-1795 (source: DAS) Table 5.11 reveals that, over the twenty-one years, payments of panrosaq and

tokkollg to the Arumpone were the most frequent. These two categories of financial penalties amounted to 2,534.5 real, approximately 120.6 real per year. This total, however, does not include goods which are difficult to quantify in terms of monetary value.

186 The table above also shows that where Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s diary entries mention him giving pardon, 'dampeng' (B.), there is no information on the amount of fmes, if any, he received. DAS also tells us that some offenders were pardoned and released without any financial penalty being paid, although no information is given about their misdemeanours: 31 st August 1780: "The Maqdanrang together with the Tomarilalang asked pardon [from me] on behalf of I Lalo. I forgave him." (DAS:f.44r)

23 rd July 1781: "The Maqdanrang asked pardon on behalf of La Pallajareng. I forgave him." (DAS:f.50v) Table 5.11 also shows that the payment of fines was made not only in cash but in goods, mainly horses and slaves, as the adat stipulates that up to half the value of fines may be paid in goods (Adatrechtbundels 1919:157). For example, on 21 st November 1782, DAS mentions Bajo's payment for damages: 106 slaves (DAS:f.59v). Apart from

the financial penalties, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh received 'pardon gifts', sosoq (B.), which were perhaps tantamount to bribery: 1i h April 1777: "My nephew, Arung Mampu, came to bring the reparation [as a sign of apology [sosoq, B.] from Anreguru Anakarung. I forgave him." (DAS:f.21r) 25 th September 1781: "The Maqdanrang together with the Tomarilalang, Arung Tanete, and Arung Tibojong came to bring the reparation [sosoq, B.] from Karaengta Sangata, the son of Karaeng Penna, I forgave him." (DAS:f.51 v) Although the accounts in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary mention his receiving sosoq, unfortunately he does not inform us what form it took, or the amount he

received, except for horses: 3rd October 1781: "The Maqdanrang together with the Tomaril~lang ask~d for forgiveness on behalf of the son of Karaeng Jaranikang named I Bebang. I forgave him and he brought me a horse" (DAS:f.52r)

23 rd October 1782: "The Maqdanrang came to bring the pardon gift from the son of Karaeng Comoe, I forgive him. He brought me a horse" (DAS:f.59r).

186 The table above also shows that where Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary entries mention him giving pardon, 'dampeng' (B.), there is no infonnation on the amount of fmes, if any, he received. DAS also tells us that some offenders were pardoned and released without any financial penalty being paid, although no infonnation is given about their misdemeanours: 31 st August 1780: "The Maqdanrang together with the Tomarila/ang asked pardon [from me] on behalf of I Lalo. I forgave him." (DAS:f.44r)

23 rd July 1781: "The Maqdanrang asked pardon on behalf of La Pallajareng. I forgave him." (DAS:f.50v) Table 5.11 also shows that the payment of fines was made not only in cash but in goods, mainly horses and slaves, as the adat stipulates that up to half the value of fines may be paid in goods (Adatrechtbundels 1919:157). For example, on 21 st November 1782, DAS mentions Bajo's payment for damages: 106 slaves (DAS:f.59v). Apart from

the financial penalties, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh received 'pardon gifts', sosoq (B.), which were perhaps tantamount to bribery: 1t h April 1777: "My nephew, Arung Mampu, came to bring the reparation [as a sign of apology [sosoq, B.] from Anreguru Anakarung. I forgave him." (DAS:f.21r) 25 th September 1781: "The Maqdanrang together with the Tomarilalang, Arung Tanete, and Arung Tibojong came to bring the reparation [sosoq, B.] from Karaengta Sangata, the son of Karaeng Penna, I forgave him." (DAS:f.51 v) Although the accounts in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary mention his receiving sosoq, unfortunately he does not infonn us what fonn it took, or the amount he received, except for horses: 3rd October 1781: "The Maqdanrang together with the Tomaril~lang ask~d for forgiveness on behalf of the son of Karaeng Jaramkang named I Bebang. I forgave him and he brought me a horse" (DAS: f. 52r) 23 rd October 1782: "The Maqdanrang came to brin~ the pardon gift from the so~ of Karaeng Comoe, I forgive him. He brought me a horse (DAS: f. 59r).

187 Overall, from Table 5.11 we learn that however modest an income they generated, financial penalties were a source of revenue for Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. !\Iost were paid in cash, although in a few cases they were paid in goods instead.

DTM leads us to understand that levies were also made on gambling at cockfights. card games and dice games (Adatrechtbundels 1929: 192~ Braam Morris 1892: 162-3): 18 th May 1776: "I begin to break into the savings, [timpo, B.] from the levies on gambling at Bakkeq; 2 tai [... ]." (DTM:f.4r) 19th June 1776: ·'1 begin to break into the savings from the levies on gambling at Kaceneq; 17 [real] 1 tali, [... ] La Omong came and brought to me the savings from [the levies on gambling at] Bakkeq; 1 tai [the total]:' (DTM:f.5v) 23 rd August 1776: "La Omong came to bring the collection [from gambling] from Bakkeq 1 tai; from Kacenneq 10 [real]. He also brought 7 real, the tax imposed on opium:' (DTA/:f.6v) Braam Morris' study of the kingdoms of Massenrenlpulu states that only' in l\tlaiwa did levies on gambling constitute a traditional source of income, and a monopoly right of the ruler (Braam Morris 1892: 162-63). However. DAS does not mention recei ving revenues from gaming activities. It appears that the right to levy tax on gambling was a privilege accorded to the Tomari/alang, in the same manner that the offices of other subordinate heads afforded them revenues through the taxation in kind from nlarkets and forests within their area of jurisdiction, or, for example, the right to lease out fish traps

(Adatrechtbundels 1929: 192). However, it becomes clear from DTM that the gambling levies were only collected until 1780. when the Tomarilalang ordered all gambling activities to be put to an end: 5th June 1780: "I begin to put an end to all gambling activities [at the nlarket].'· (DT.\f:f.33v) The order to end gaInbling levies was most likely an order from the Arllmp01U!. One Bugis source. Add. 1]359. contains the follo\ving e:xtract of an order gi ven by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. which is not dated but which may \\ell correspond to the above entry made by the Tomari/alang:


~ ~ ~""'..

--- ... -


,..J .....



ta "

. - : . . . .::. ...:::l ""'::

J , - ...... -,. ....J ~


---= - .- - -... v

':. _



"" ...,



w '. . '-






_ "'...



--, ~

--- ':.

,.-. -

[No date]: "Arung Bacu' s guilt is large because he attacked the chief envoy of Bone. Therefore I wish him to be fined 1 !«Iti 1 tai. His second fault is that all vassals have been ordered to stop gambling, but he has not consented to stop his gambling [... ] Therefore I wish him to be fined another 1 !«Iti 1 tai for that. Since he has resisted my prohibition I want the guards to seize him. This ends my words. ' (BL MS. Add12359:f.llr) This information was missing from Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary, and the reason for its omission is unknown. The fact that he did not take levies on gambling or decide on banning it, suggests that he may not have considered the revenues generated b ambling taxes to have been worthwhile pursuing especially as they constituted immoral earnings in conflict with his religious faith.

5.6.4 Deer hunting From hi diary hor



e learn that ultan

hmad a - alleh' pa time

crocodile hooting fi hing, boating

picnickin and coll ctin

ntrie mention him attending a cockfight and competin

h fr qu nc

of hi huntin

ourit pa tim : b t

e pedition

er deer huntin

ould u

ith hi


e t that deer huntin

n 177 and 179 1 A r ord

ea hell n co a at

r hunt

and t


189 catch around a hundred deer in one kill was not uncommon. The method of hunting was a large-scale approach and required the participation of local villagers, possibly as their kasuwiyang duty, as beaters to drive the herd into a temporary corral for culling

(Friedericy 1933:536, Adatrechtbundels 1929:270). Techniques of deer hunting are mentioned in his diary: th

16 February 1781: "I went to watch people chasing deer. Thirty deer were caught." (DAS:f.48r) th

13 February 1787: "I went to watch people setting traps: three deer were caught." (DAS:f.76r) As deer hunting was a pursuit of the social elite, letting the hunted deer escape could result in a fine: 3rd December 1779: "The Maqdanrang came to bring Karaeng Binamo [to me]. He was fined 1 kati 1 tai for letting [my] hunted deer escape at Bae. My reply: 'Bone forgives you [Karaeng] Binamo because it is up to me to pardon you. If you later make the same fault, your culpability to Bone will be severe.' " (DAS:f.39r)

From the number of deer caught, we learn that hunting activities contributed to the upkeep of the royal household by providing venison, but not in the form of money. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh did not go hunting every year: DAS reveals eight years that make no mention of his doing so. Although there appears to be an absence of hunting activity during these years, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh nevertheless mentions occasionally receiving supplies of cooked venison, pijja jonga (B.), as well as live deer from his nobles: 1ath October 1782: "The Kornelis [a Dutch official] came by the order of the Governor to bring to me one pikul of cooked venison from Selayar." (DAS:f.59r) 16th October 1783: "I Kobisiq Caqdi came by the order of the Governor to bring one pikul of cooked venison, (ld..) dendeng, from Selayar.·' (DAS:f.66r)

Given the large number of deer. it is reasonable to presume that not all would have been killed immediately, but some kept aliye to be fattened up for slaughter at a later

190 time. However, there is nothing in the diary to indicate that this occurred. Rather. it appears the meat was cooked dry (dendeng, Id.) in large quantities so as to preserye it. A few more entries suggest other sources of additional, though irregular. cash income for Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, such as the revenues from the Banawa forest in th

Bone, mentioned by him on the 6 March 1791 (DAS:f.l18v) and on the 6th February 1792 (DAS:f.126r). Most likely this was a levy in kind of a certain share of the wood

chopped in the forest.

5.7 Summary and conclusions Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary entries provide useful data that allow us to make assumptions, draw inferences and make approximate calculations with regard to his income. Although DAS does not function as a ledger of his financial transactions. we learn from his diary that the Arumpone had lands and paddy fields managed by his officials, worked by the peasant farmers and by his slaves, to produce rice for the royal household. Some of this rice was converted into cash through sale, although the quantity intended for resale, and the proportion it represented of the entire Yield from the king's fields, is not mentioned. Besides the rice produced on his own rice fields, as the ruler of Bone he enjoyed the privileges of kasuwiyang (dues) which, for the most part, was supplied in rice or paddy from the designated kasuwiyang fields, but equally would comprise other irregular and rather more need-driven forms of homage, such as wood for construction, or menfolk and oarsmen to accompany the Arumpone on journeys. In addition, kasuwiyang payments that might ordinarily represent a cash sum would from time to time be settled with goods and slaves. For many of these items, it is impossible to quantify the actual revenue as a cash sum. DAS does not reveal the contemporary market value of weights of rice or paddy.

However. one entry from Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary provides a useful clue in order to estimate revenues derived from rice and its sale: 1st February 1784: HI bought a koyan 88 of rice for 36 real." (DAS:f.69r) FrOln this yalue. we deduce that 1 kati of rice was worth 4 doi. This calculation Inakes it possible to provide estimates of the value of goods that Sultan Ahlnad as-Salkh received in kind. Silnilarly, for the purpose of the following graph, the \'ulue of )0 real for one slave has been applied (DAS, 25 th July 1778:f.29v: 14th October 1786:f.87r):

ss ~ latthcs (18S5:6) indicates that a kO,van weighs 20 pif...-ul. which is equi\"alent to ~OOO kati.

191 Comparative revenues in cash and estzmated values ofrevenues mkind from the c:hary 0 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh for the year 1786

Table 5.12: The Arumpone revenues in cash and in kinds Key: Series 1 - Revenues in cash Series 2 - Estimated value of revenues in kind

In the above graph, Series 1 represents the cash values that can be obtained from Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary, whilst Series 2 represents my estimation of the value of the revenues in kind that are to be found in the diary (for 1786). Particularly striking is column 1, which represents his revenues from kasuwiyang in the year 1786. Clearly, the goods and services provided by the populace under the guise of kasuwiyang, in so far as they are recorded in the diary, far outweigh any financial contributions to the court s revenues. In my opinion the total value of kasuwiyang received by Sultan Ahmad asSalleh in this year would have been considerably higher. Again, with relation to rice production, the amount of paddy, rice and wette that he kept from his own lands was considerably larger than that which he sold. For Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, the alue of slaves seems to ha e lain e c1u i el


the labour they provided. The Dutch grant is the most substantial re enue and a con i tent annual sum. The fifth column represents the re enue from the toll-bar and can be con idered to ha e been paid e c1usi el in mone . The i h column repre ent court fines and penaltie fines final column ultan

hich ho

hmad a - alleh

oth r kin dom




as largel paid in ca h.

that no record

t trikin of all i the

hat oe er are found in DA ' relatin

per onal in 01 ement in trade. Thi i ula e i ruler



urpn 109 b cau . in

in 01 ement in and monop I




trades, and the levies they drew on certain goods, constituted a substantial part of their revenues. In some regions it was the custom that rights to le\'y tax at local pasar \\'ere granted to local subordinate rulers as paYment for their office. and it certainly cannot be ruled out that this may have also been the case in Bone. Despite the obvious limitations when quantifying the cash value of contributions in kind, the above graph remains valuable, since it illustrates the scope for additional incomes provided in some of the categories. Despite the diary's obvious shortcomings as an objective historical record, its contribution to our understanding of various aspects of the economy of Bone is considerable. The Arumpone and his immediate circle at court are shown to have had a variety of economic interests, the majority of which contained notions of social and cultural practices. Therefore the privileges of the ruler vis-a-vis his subjects, and of the ruling classes vis-a-vis the lower strata of society, are most manifest in economic activities: not only did the Arumpone enjoy trade monopolies on certain goods and the exploitation of certain agricultural lands, but the practice of kasuwiyang ensured for his court a proportion of his subjects' rice harvest, fish catch, or deer kill. Other forms of kasuwiyang included goods specific to particular areas, such as tortoise-shell or firewood, and benefits in kind, or labour. The Arumpone also derived revenues from fines (sosoq, tokko and panrosaq), and the economic importance of slaves as a commodity was also strongly in evidence. In addition, the diary reveals much about the relationship between Bone and the Dutch Company. Disputes relating to trade in particular, but also to land ownership, often required diplomatic negotiations between the two powers. Through these negotiations, and the solutions arrived at, the political portrait of Sultan Ahmad asSalleh becomes more complete. We are also able to learn something of his personality from the manner in which he dealt with economic disputes, and enforced the payment of fines and taxes from his subjects. Again, the diary informs us that there was varying treatment of different members of society according to their class. Although Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh presents his running of the treasury as prudent and fair. the measure of objective truth in his bookkeeping remains questionable. Much of the information relating to economic activities tells us much or more about the society and culture of the Bugis as it does about financial matters. More than fifty percent of DAS is concerned on social and cultural matters, and the extent to which the diary constitutes a historical source in this respect forms the basis of the next chapter.


Chapter Six

The Diary as a Historical Text: Social and Cultural Events "The etiquette of this court proves how despotic it has become: when the patamankowe sits, all sit; when he rist's. all rise [...] should he ride, and fall from his horse, all about him must fall from their horses likewise. If he bathes, all must bathe too, and those passing go into the water in the dress, good or bad, they may chance to have on." (Brooke 1848: 134)

6.0 Introduction In this chapter I will examine what can be learnt of late eighteenth century social life and culture from the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. The chapter is divided into sections on material culture and non-material culture, with a focus on the Arumpone's involvement in social and cultural activities within the court inner circle. Where possible, I have cross-referenced the diary with other sources.


Bugis society: Social hierarchy

Bugis society, during the period under study, was strongly hierarchical and underpinned by the concept of "blood". According to Bugis mythology, there were originally two kinds of humans: 'white-blooded' people of divine ancestry, and 'redblooded' people who were either commoners or slaves (Pelras 1996: 168). Status was expressed through a complex hierarchy of ranks. At the top was the Arumpone and his full siblings, who held the rank of anaq mattola, pure white blooded descendants of

tomanurung (B.) 'heavenly descended being', who had founded the kingdom of Bone. Beneath the Arumpone and his siblings were lesser nobles whose place in this hierarchy was determined by the percentage of white blood that flowed through their \'eins. mixed with the red blood of commoners. An important aspect of this hierarchy was that only ruling anaq mattola could have anaq mattola children: the children of non-ruling anaq

maftola were considered a degree lower, as anaq sengngeng or anaq sangaji. While this does not automatically produce a system of steadily declining status in the descendants

194 of a full blooded sibling of a ruling anaq matto/a, over time the increasing genealogical distance between ruler and relatives must have made finding an anaq mattola marriage partner increasingly difficult. Despite the theoretical simplicity of the system, the reality 1

was more complex. Arung Palakka , the princess of Bone who was married to the ruler of Talloq, had a higher degree of white blood through her mother, which meant a higher status than that of Sultan Abdul Razak Jalaluddin, the twenty-second ruler of Bone (Roessingh 1986: 155-56). Those who had no claim to white blood were divided into two ranks of freemen and two ranks of slave. Although the ranking systems and the titles used varied slightly from kingdom to kingdom, in Bone it was as follows: 1. The anaq matolla (children of the ruling king with the queen having an equal status, and who would be able to succeed their parents as rulers of the highest kingdoms) 1.1 anaq sengngeng or sangaji (the anaq mattola who married a woman of equal status) 1.2 anaq rajeng (the anaq mattola who married a woman of lower status)

2. The anakarung (the arung children) 2.1 Anakarung ribola (family members of the court) 2.1.1 anakarung sipue (children of an anakarung who 2.1.2

took a noble woman of lower degree as his wife) anaq ceraq anaq ceraq siseng (anaq mattola of either sub-rank who married a commoner wife - 'blood children' of the first degree) anaq ceraq duwa (anaq ceraq siseng who married a commoner wife) anaq ceraq tellu (anaq ceraq duwa who married a commoner wife)

3. Tomaradeka (freemen) 3.1 Todeceng (the good people) 3.2 Tosama (the common people) 4 Ata (slaves) 4.1 Ala manak (inherited slaves) 4.2 Ala mabuang (new slaves) (Aminah et al 1995:57; Saharuddin 1984:27: Abdul Hamid 1985: 113-4: Mukhlis 1989:5-6)

I In this cast? Arung PaIakka refers to the Dowager Queen of TaIIoq. who was also known as Karcu;ng Paramparang. She was the grandmother of Hatara Gowa Amas Madina and Daeng Riboko (st?~ Chapter 4.~.3). For further infonnation. see also Tidemann (1908) and :\bdurrazak (1993).


The pyramidal hierarchy can be represented as follows:

Anaq mattola


Tomaradeka Ata

Figure 6.1: Social stratification late eighteenth century Bone The Bugis upper class enjoyed many privileges associated with their status, namely ownership of land, domestic and household adornment, jewellery, the use of weapons, clothing of special colours, special designs of houses and so on. Peculiar objects such as albinos, dwarfs and things believed to possess power, were reserved for the possession of the king (cf. Anderson 1972: 1-69). After his death, a ruler was no longer known by the names he had during his lifetime, but instead was referred to as Matinroe ri [... ] (B.), literally "He who sleeps or lies at", followed by some descriptive term

usually indicating the place of his death or burial. Among the Bugis, it was believed that the spirits of the departed had the power to cause swelling, and stock pleas to avert this danger were usually made before the names of deceased rulers were mentioned (Caldwell 1988:42). Within the Bugis system of social hierarchy (and in particular that of Bone), men and women of noble birth had equal rights of succession. Of the thirty-four rulers who reigned over Bone, no less than seven were women. Because the kinship system was bilateral, descendants from both the paternal and maternal lines were valued, and both men and women could occupy the throne, although preference was generally given to men. There is no evidence of a system of primogeniture: in Bone, all sons and daughters of a previous king or queen were eligible for selection as ruler (Caldwell 1995 :'+04). The king normally chose his own heir, but his decision had to be a6Tfeed upon by the nobles, and ratified after his death (cf. Friedericy 1933 :488-90). Occasionally, the ruler's own children could be by-passed in preference for a more suitable candidates, usually a grandson or brother.

196 6.1.1

The social status in Bone as exhibited in official office

At the apex of Bone hierarchy was the Arumpone followed by the crown prince. The second stratum consisted of senior officials of high political rank. The most senior offices were the Tomarilalang, Maqkedangngetana and Maqdanrang; it is not clear whether any was superior to the others. The Tomarilalang, as the Bugis word rilalang (inside the palace, B.) indicates, had a close connection to the king. In Bone there were two offices of Tomarilalang: the Tomarilalang Matoa and the Tomarilalang Ala/olo (the senior and the junior Tomarilalang). The former was head of the advisory council and the principal intermediary between the people, via the council, and the ruler and his chief minister, while the Tomarilalang Maiolo assisted his senior officer in all matters of administration (Adatrechtbundels 1929:248, 250). The Maqkedangtana was the 'Spokesman of the Land", while the Maqdanrang, who was also on a close footing with the Arumpone, was a kind of personal secretary (Adatrechtbundels 1929:252-53). Next in rank was the Ponggawa, the chief of the army in times of war, who sat on the state council on important occasions when the king conferred with them. In Bone, these high officials were chosen from the group of royal offspring of the purest blood (Friedericy 1933:478; Abdul Hafid 1999:90). Of approximately of the same level were the members of the Adeq Pitu whose primary duty was to maintain the customs of the land, and to act as a kind of supreme court in both civil and criminal cases (Adatrechtbundels 1929:253; Friedericy 1933:253). The third stratum consisted of officials of a lower administrative and social rank such as the Pangulu Jowa or head of the Jowa, a kind of warrior-servant or police officer in the palace. This important office could be held by an Anakarung, noble of lesser rank, who could also be appointed by the Arumpone as a Pajejenangngeng, an official who managed his goods and income (Adatrechtbundels

1929:248). The office of

Pajejenangngeng was led by the Pajejenangngeng Cilaong, who might be a noble of higher degree. Under the Pajejenangngeng Cilaong was the harbourmaster, Sabanara who collected for the Arumpone a proportion of goods arriving from outside by ship, as well as the freight tax or tax payable by captains or merchant ships for anchor fees, labubatu (B.). If one of the Arumpone's family's died, the Sabanara was also responsible for dressing the corpse and for distributing gifts (Matthes 1872b:249). The third of the senior Pajejenangngeng was the Anreguru Cenrana, literally the head of Cenrana, who was harbourmaster for Cenrana, where he carried out the same duties as did the Sabannara at Bajoe. In addition to these office titles were the general titles of A rung and Kara(;ng. Arung was a common title in the Bugis lands while in ~1akassar karae,lg was more (l)mmon.

197 These highranking titles could be held in addition of their office titles as well as on their own. Both of these titles were associated with settlements of which the title-holder was the nominal or actual leader. In this sense, one could speak of the title holders constituting a landed aristocracy. The commoners, tau deceng or tau sama, who constituted the fourth stratum of the social hierarchy, could gain achieved status by the conferment of rewards for their deeds and loyalty, although this would happen only infrequently. Among the posts open to this stratum was that of messenger, sura or tau tongeng (B.), literally 'a man of trusted qualities'. The office is mentioned in the MTS: "It is also a great custom [of Sidenreng] that the aqdaong has a suro ribateng. 2 Only [the aqdaong] together with the Tellulatteq and the council of ministers may delegate the sura ribateng. Even the anaq mattola 3 are forbidden to gives order to sura ribateng. Now it is the law that the sura ribateng may not be derided, and may not be called a liar. One tail is the fine paid by people who call the sura ribateng a liar. The suro ribateng is not punished. If the [suro ribateng] is guilty of an offence, then this would be because

the words that he has spoken were not the words he was given. Then his throat will be severed, or his mouth sliced off. or he will be removed from his post. 4 [Now] four and half tail and forty-four people of the land is the price paid to replace the suro [ribateng should he be killed]." (Mrs, in Druce 1999:35) Running parallel to this system was a religious hierarchy headed by the kadi or chief religious officer and judge. This post was sometimes occupied by persons from outside the kingdom. For example, during the reign of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, Pekki Yusuf, who was originally from Bogor, Java, was appointed as the Kadi of Bone. Below him in desending order were the chief imam, the khatib, the chief sermon-giver, the bilal. and the doja (Braam Morris 1892: 198-9, 224-5; Friedericy 1933 :516). These religious officers are mentioned frequently in DAS: 5th November 1781: "The kadi of Bone together with the imam came [to see me]. Alhamdulillah [...]." (DAS:f.52v)

According to Noorduyn (1955:55) in relation to Wajoq. a surD ribareng was an official enyoy whose role was to take messages to other kingdoms. In the context of the present work the role of the suro ribareng was to carry messages within Sidenreng. 3 Anaq mal/ola means the person who has been chosen as the next aqdaong. 4 Hikayat Iskandar Zulkamain mentions that Raja Iskandar ordered an envoy's tongue to be cut out because he falsified a report {Gallop 1994:105-7). 2

198 th

17 January 1783: "I went to attend the Friday congregation. I ordered [khatib] La Butung to draw back his sennon as I consider his sennon was not suitable." (DAS:f.61 v) th

13 February 1788: "Khatib La Sakka together with bilal La Nara came to see me as instructed by the kadi of Bone." (DAS:f.97r) The manifestation of social hierarchy through official office

illustrated by the


following diagram: Arumpone Mangkauq


Tomarilalang Towa and

.. '


Maqkedangnge tana


.... ......

Anreguru Anakanmf!


............ .. '

Adeq Pitu (7) Kadi I Kali



Arung Lili (Palili)



Figure 6.2: The administrative structure of the kingdom of Bone (source: Museum Benteng, Ujung Pandang) I

Keys: -----.~

I ns truction's





_ _ _.. _ _ _ _ _ -. ..







Anreguru Cenrana



Pajejennangngang Ci/aong

...•.. '.

.. ~

All other Pajejennangngang

.... I

Sabanaraq Bajoe


Figure 6.3: The office ofjennang in Bone (source: DAS)



199 Hierarchical status was also demonstrated in official ceremonies and in the swearing of oaths of loyalty, mangngaruq (B.). For example, the BL MS Add. 12355 describes the investiture of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh as follows: "This describes [the role of the vassal states]. First to perfonn mangngaruq was Patampanua, followed by [vassals of] equal status. When it was completed, the people of Bone Tenngae perfonned the mangngaruq [at the same time] Lili riLau held [their] spears. Then Pattiro perfonned the mangngaruq, then Sibulue, then Tellulimpoe, then Awangtaka, then Wawo Bulu. When Lili riLau had finished perfonning mangngaruq, the people of Ajangngaleq held their spears. [Next] to perfonn mangngaruq was the Datu of Cinnong, then the people of Mampu, then the people of Ulaweng, then Pome, then Bengo, then Amali, then Timurung, then Sailong, then Limampanuae, then Tellumpanue, then Enneng Bilabila, then Lappariaja. When all these people had finished perfonning [mangngaruq] the beating of drums ended. The two Tomarilalang then arranged the [seating] positions at the baruga for the people of Lalebbata and the paliliq [of Bone]. The end."(BL MS Add. 12355:f.84r) The above entry elucidates the rankings of the vassal states within the kingdom. It is clear that regions of higher status preceded those of lesser ones, and this hierarchy was also demonstrated in their seating positions at the pavilion, baruga (B.) (BL MS

Add. 12355:f.84r).


Kinship in Bone

The Bugis tenninology of kinship is quite general. There are no specific tenns to distinguish among relatives of the same generation, be they female or male, brothers, sisters or cousins; all fall into a single category of sibling, 'of one origin', seajing (B.). Names expressing family relationships, however, account for age: older siblings within a generation are addressed as daeng (B.), and younger ones as anri (B.) (Pelras 1996:153; Millar 1989:25, Waterson 1986:94).5 However, as can be observed up to the present day, daeng and anri may also be used to address older and younger non-kin members of a generation with whom one has a close relationship. For example, where fondness between sexes occurs, daeng or anri is used as a fonn of address not necessarily related to age. In addition, marriage partners also use the same sibling tenns~

:' Apparently. the kinship tenninologies used to differentiate gender are more specific amongst the Sundanese and the Ja\'anese societies (cf. Ukun Swjaman 1960).


the wife calls her husband kakak, 'elder brother', while the husband addresses his wife as anri, 'younger sister,.6 In Bugis society, kinship tenns incorporating a possessive pronoun are used as terms of address; e.g. tettakuq, 'my father', amaureuq, 'my uncle', neneuq, 'my grandfather'. Among the royal families, kin were often addressed as Puang (B.), meaning father, and the same term was also used for an uncle or aunt who was older than one's father or mother. In addition, a husband may refer to his wife as 'mother of, followed by the name of the eldest child; for example, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh refers to his wife I Padauleng as 'Puang Batara Tungkeq, , the mother of Batara Tungkeq, his eldest child (cf. Friberg 1993:189).7 For the Bugis, virtually any kinship term may be used as a term of address, to add a note of intimacy and respect. It occurs frequently in DAS, for example, when the Arumpone refers to the sister of the Dutch senior interpreter, Deefhout, as his niece: 8th June 1782: "My niece, the sister of I Depo, came to see me to bid farewell on her leaving to Jakettara 8 [Batavia] [... ]." (DAS:f.57r)

In other instances, the Arumpone addresses Nyonya Bagiliq and Nyonya Mici, as his grandmother and niece: 19th September 1781: "[ ... ] The messenger of my grandmother, Nyonya Bagiliq, came [to see me] [... ]." (DAS:f.51 v) 23 rd June 1781: "The son of my niece, Nyonya Mici, came [to visit me] [...]." (DAS: f. 5Or)

The title Nyonya is given to married women among the (Chinese) Peranakans,9 which would suggest that Nyonya Bagiliq and Nyonya Mici may not have had any

One of my respondents addressed her husband as 'kak' although she was more than twenty years older than the husband. In this respect, sibling terms involve not only seniority but also authority. coupled with intimacy and affection which the relationship implies. 7 While living in Ujung Pandang, I was addressed by the local people as Indoqna Safwan, mother of Safwan; only the elderly and the Jdyai called me by name. However, when I was at Watampone. since I stayed with Petta Awampone. I was also addressed as Puang. Perhaps they thought that I was related to the family and had noble blood! 8 The diary refers to Batavia as Jakettara (cf. Sie 1990: l. 79). 9 In general, the Peranakan Chinese or the Baba no longer speak the Chinese language. They ha\"c den'loped a specific Peranakan culture. which is a mixture of the Chinese. local and. in Indonesia. Dutch cultures (Sie 1990:114). 6

201 consanguineal kinship to the Arumpone, but that the title was a token of respect. to denote the person's proper place within the (Bugis) society (cf. Robson 1987:513).

DAS reveals the various tenns used by the Arumpone, which include amaure. anri. anaqdara, howe, daeng, eppo, inaure, ina, ncajiangngeng, neneq, padaurane. samposiseng and tetta. In the first ascending generation the Arumpone, as a person of royal descent, refers to his father as tettakuq, 'my royal one' (DAS; Friberg 1993:190). To refer to his mother in the diary the Arumpone uses the tenn ncajiangngeng, though mother is generally referred to by the Bugis as ina. The tenn for aunt or uncle is

amaure, which is used for any kinsman of the parent's generation, without distinction as to sex, and is extended affinally to any spouse of such a kinsman. In addition, no distinction is made as to whether this relationship is from the mother's or father's lineage. The tenn howe (Matthes 1874:229), great-grandfather or forebears, is similarly extended to any kinsman of two or more ascending generations. In a generation, kinsmen who share at least one parent are siblings, and in cases where a father has multiple wives, or when a mother remarries, half-siblings use the same tenns as full siblings, and are differentiated by age; kakak or daeng for older siblings and anri for younger siblings. This can be seen in the diary when the Arumpone addresses his half-brother, Daeng Malimpo, as 'my brother', kakauq (DAS:f.46r). Cousins are often distinguished with the tenn samposiseng, and the proximity of the relationship is indicated by a number, sikali for a first cousin, wekka duwa, wekka telfu, for a second and third cousin, and so on. One's own child is anaq, while the child of a cousin is inaure or anaure. Beyond the first descending generation, all kinsmen are grandchildren, eppo. 10 This extension of kinship terms may be illustrated in a diagram, as below:

The kinship tenninology of the Makasar also displays a clear classification according to generation: the temlS bOln;. foa, purina. kamanakang and cueu are to indicate the generation of great-grandparent.;;. grandparents. parents. children and grandchildren. The kinship temlinology among the Javanese differentiates both gender and age (Fox 1994:102-3; Robson 1987:513-1-1). 10



Grandparent NhJeq






amaure 4

Cousins sampo

elder sibling kalmJ daeng M







ina I

4 th, 5th, (/h {1 8t, 2 , 3 [siblingsl more distan samposikali, { .4_'_m_ab_be_la_'_ _d_u_~_a,_te_l_1U, __et_C_. nephew! niece anaure/ inaure


younger sibling adj'

sampo th


lit, 2ad, 3

}4'" Sth, 6 } samposiJcali. more distant duw __ G,_t._'el_lu_,_ete __ 'mabbe _ _l_a_·-..

nephew/ niece anaurel inaure

child anaq


grandchild ••_ - - _ eppo


--.~ ......

+ Figure 6.4: The Bugis kinship terminology (Waterson 1986:90)

DAS reveals the extensive numbers of kinsmen of the Arumpone: it mentions 36 neneq, 3 bowe, 48 amaure, 49 inaure, 8 daeng/ kakak and 5 anri. The large number of

kinsmen is no surprise as Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's great-great-grandfather, La Patau Matinroe ri Nagauleng, is said to have had two hundred wives and concubines of

various statuses, and more than four hundred children (Mattulada 1998:231). One possible reason for these relationships is political: the affiliation of kinships as a result of birth, marriage or political alignments would have extended the Arumpone 's kinsmen (Miller 1989:26-35).11 The substantial numbers of kinsmen given by the diary should be viewed with caution, as the information does not provide further identification of the consanguineal connections with the Arumpone. Perhaps the kinship terms of neneuq, amaureuq and bowekuq, in most cases, were simply marks of respect by the Arumpone

in addressing officials and distant relatives who were older than him.

During my stay for the field research at Bone, many of those who bore the titles Andi and Daeng claimed to ha\"t~ connections with the Bone royal family. Such claims may not easily be refuted: they may be descendants of the deceased king. La Patau Matinroe ri Nagauleng. One of my interviewee..;. Andi Sappabiang Hajah Sapinang even produced her family's genealogy, which was in her safekeeping. to th conyince me of her status. (Interview with Hajah Sapinang at Laccokong, Watampone. on 30 Ocwbcr II




DAS on material culture

6.3.1 Rites of passage on birth Although some Bugis sources (ANRl UP Roll 13 No.15:87) state that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was blessed with seventeen children, a closer study of his diary suggests that the Queen of Bone bore him fourteen children (DAS). According to DAS. the queen gave birth every year except for the years 1778, 1779, 1783, 1784, 1786. 1790, 1792 and 1795. In addition, DoM reports that in 1796 the queen gave birth to another baby boy, who was named Pattupubatu. 12 It is reported in DAS that prior to the Queen's confinement certain preparations were

made, including the construction of the maternity house. The building was purposely constructed for the queen to reside in while waiting to give birth, and to serve as a labour room. In some entries DAS explains that the Arumpone would also join her, the two of them living together in the maternity house, which had been furnished with all necessities, such as mosquito netting: 10th August 1781 : "The [maternity] house [as a place] for Puang Batara Tungkeq to give birth had been erected. Barakallah." (DAS:f.51 r) 23 rd August 1781: "Puang Batara Tungkeq moved into the [maternity] house and it was equipped with mosquito-net. Barakallah [...]." (DAS:f.51 r) 28 th August 1781: "I moved into the [maternity] house. Barakallah." (DAS:f.51 r) In addition to the maternity house, there was a special place where children of royal birth were cared for by a special team of wet-nurses and court servants: 19 th November 1781: "I went to the sao wekkeq together with Puang Batara Tungkeq [... ]." (DAS:f.52v) 26 th December 1783: "I visited the sao wekkeq together with Puang Batara Tungkeq and I brought along La Tenrisukkiq [... ]." (DAS:f.67r) On 14 th February 1796, Do.\! mentions: "La Koda came to inform me that the Queen [of Bone, We Tenripada] had gin'n birth. Taullahu 'umurhu." (DoM:f.46v) \\'e Tenripada ma~y han' given birth prior to this date as the .\faqdanrang wa~ involved in the war between Bone against Sidenreng and at the time was at Tanete with his twop~. The new~ would al,,\) probably have taken Sl)me time to reach him. 12


It appears court children were sent to the sao wekkeq as soon as the mother's period of confinement was over. An example of this is when La Tenrisukkiq, \\'ho \\'as born on th

the 14

November 1783, was sent to the sao wekkeq at the age of fortv-t\\'o days . . (DAS:f.66v). In Indonesian society, post-natal confinement was forty days, though it was sometimes extended to one hundred days, especially among women of the court. (personal communication with Petta Awampone) DAS tells us that, during pregnancy, the queen would be massaged by a sanro or by

another specially appointed person. DAS reports that the last massage was performed when the expectant mother had almost reached her full term of pregnancy. This practice was similar to traditional practices among the Javanese societies in Indonesia and Malaysia, of the ceremony of lenggang perut (Ma1.), 'abdominal massage' (Winstedt 1925:120). A number of entries mention the queen went to visit some women of noble birth, when the stomach massaging was performed: 23 rd October 1776: "Puang Batara Tungkeq (DAS:f.17r)




23 rd February 1783: "The wife of Datu Soppeng was massaged. Barakallah. I came along with Puang Batara Tungkeq to visit her. I brought for her one jemma to be made as the childminder." (DAS:f.62r) 19th April 1792: "I went to visit [my daughter] Batara Tungkeq at the time she was massaged. She is seventeen." (DAS:f.127r) A midwife plays an important role during the delivery of a baby. In Bugis and Makasar society, a bissu could also take the role of the sanro and midwife. It is noted that these bissu not only performed at births, but also in ceremonies such as the first tasting of food and treading the ground, as well as circumcision, teeth filing and marriage (Matthes 1872b; Hamonic 1975:121-34; Pelras 1996:82-4). These bisSli acted as intermediaries in asking for God's assistance to ward off evil spirits they believed to be the cause of illnesses, mishaps or other catastrophes. In general. a midwife \vho had helped the expectant mother during delivery would receive payment for the service, in money or in kind. In one entry, DAS states that the Arumpone returned one of the midwife's family members as a reward for helping the Animpone's daughter:

205 th

8 July 1792: "I returned to Ambeq Cinampa her grandchild named I Salesseq after she had helped Arung Timurung [Batara Tungkeq] to give birth safely." (DAS:f.l30v)


The royal birth and post natal mortalities

Although DAS contains eighty-nine entries pertaining to birth, referring to his daughter, members of his family and wives of his nobles, only in the case of his wife does Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh depict the agony of a woman in labour: 16th December 1794: "[ ... ] Puang Batara Tungkeq screamed as she suffers [a terrible] stomach pain." (DAS:f.l48r) Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was concerned for the well-being of his


we discover

that after the birth, he expressed his gratitude and good wishes to her by offering a betel quid, ota salabetta (B.): a sign of best wishes and good health. 13 In addition to the betel quid, DAS relates that the Arumpone also presented his wife with other kinds of gifts, particularly jemma or court maids: 23 rd October 1775: "After 3.00 [p.m.] I Tenripada gave birth to a baby girl. May Allah prolong her life. I sent [to I Pada] ota salabettae to wish her well on the birth of our baby [and] I gave [to her] two [young] persons." (DAS:f.10r) 15 th December 1777: "[ ... ] after 7.00 [p.m.], Puang Batara Tungkeq gave birth to a boy [... ] I gave one person to her with my good wishes and for the baby, I gave passangingang (B.,), [a set of baby clothes], with its cover [... ]." (DAS:f.25r) 16th December 1794: "After 2.00 [p.m.] Puang Batara Tungkeq gave birth to a baby boy [... ] I gave her two jemma as a sign of good wishes for her health [...]." (DAS:f.148r) Betel leaf, Piper betle3 from the botanical family of Piperaceae is a slender, aromatic creeper and has heart-shaped. smooth. shining, long-stalked leaves with a pointed apex. Reid (1985) states that Indonesians. like other Southeast Asians, have long been extensive users of this mild narcotic (cf. Forrest 17 l) ~:79). Reid also states that in some societies, betel chewing was a social necessity, and not to ofTer betel. or to refuse to take it when proffered, was regarded as a serious insult (1985:529. 531). DAS shows that the Arumpone consumed a few kinds of betel leaf, which can be inferred from his diary entry as below: 21 sl April 1780: "I bought one pack of red betel leaf for the price of 16 [real], four packs of purple betel leaf for 6 real, three packs of bamboo green betel leaf for the price of 5'12 real [... ]." (DAS:f.42r) D

_06 OfPuang Batara Tungkeq's fourteen children, one was stillborn

hile another died

due to illness; both were boys (DAS:f 105v; f 148r). Altogether there are eight '-nine entries on births, including those of Puang Batara Tungkeq s children in DA


outcomes of these births are set out in the graph below:

umber of entries

Reasons of death


• Successful Birth .Oe8th

• fullterm stili births • premature birth

o Infant. death, o mothers died after gMng birth

Figure 6.5: Mortality figure for babies and mothers, 1775-1795 (source: DAS) Eleven entries record deaths relating to childbirth: five full-term stillbirths, one premature birth, three infant deaths, and two mothers who died after giving birth. DA thus reveals that the death rate in childbirth among the women of the Bone court in the late eighteenth century was just over ten percent. This seems a relatively 10 percentage when one considers the lack of modem facilities. However, as the data were taken from the upper class society which experienced a better quality of life infant mortality among the general populace was likely to be much higher. Intere tingl , DA contain only one entry mentioning the birth of twins (DA ,26



arch 1780:f.41 ).

rri ge nd di orce in the Bugis socie

mong the Bugis, marriage bet een member of the arne tatu group mo t a ceptable ( bdul Hamid 1985: 146-7), and there mania n bilit h r

b t

inh rit d b


a a cultural pr ~ r n

n cou in of equal rank . thi applied e peciall

in ord r to maintain the purit


for f

of the blood ( illar 1

th children and hence th ir ucc

ion ri ht

f r t


consequence. This social restriction on marriage arrangements also sen'ed to secure family relationships and to safeguard the family's riches.

It was strictly forbidden for a woman to marry a man from a lo\\'er group. As a result, especially among the highest classes, before a wedding took place it was always checked thoroughly whether the man was of equally high status as the \\'oman. Not only did this apply to marriage; sexual relations between a woman of higher class and a man of lower class was one of the most serious crimes known to these societies. As a crime it was on a par with incest, the consequences of which went beyond the two indi \'iduals concerned, and were believed to result in ruined harvests, natural disasters and contagious diseases which would affect the entire community. The same punishment that applied to sexual relations of a woman of higher class with a man of lower class was also applied to incest: the guilty would each be sewn into a sack and thrown into the sea (Friedericy 1933 :557). In his study of the Mandar society, Mallinckrodt (Freidericy 1933:557-58) states that only the man would be put to death, and that he would be killed in such a way that his blood did not dirty the soil, which was believed to bring bad fate. In addition, he mentions that the proposal of marriage to a woman by a man of lesser status is called mati temei puna lambe' (B.), which means 'to urinate against a tree that goods are hanging from'. This statement suggests that the decision to marry a man of lower status resembles 'doing things in places that are not meant for that purpose' . The marriage of a man of nobility to a woman of lower class was not forbidden. Whereas the marriage of a woman from a higher group to a man from a lower group would contaminate the blood of the higher group, a marriage between a man of the higher group and a woman of the lower group would not be considered as 'contaminating' the blood of the higher group. It was (and still is) preferred for a man to have a wife of equal birth (Friedericy 1933 :555, 599); this does not imply that a man should marry within his own group specifically, but simply with one from a group that is as high as his own. In the case of a ruling family of South Sulawesi. these groups were in fact the ruling families of other kingdoms. As a result. marriage bonds developed over time between the royal house of Bone and the reigning dynasties of ·

Bantaeng, Barru, Gowa. Luwuq, Sanrabone, Sidenreng, Soppeng an dW aJoq.


Matthes states that, exceptionally. marriages do take place where the man is lower in status than the woman, but there cannot be too much difference of status between By haYing many w1\'t?~ of equal status. marriage bond~ were used by rulers as a diplomatic weapt ~1 I,' obtain political affiliation, and hence influence over the Bugis-Makassar lands. See \1attulaJa (199;-'; _31) and Geertz (1980:35) 14

208 them. IS In this situation, the man has to pay a far higher dowry than is customary, to 'buy' noblerblood,pangelli dara (B.) (Chabot 1996:144; Aminah et alI995:66).

VAS reports matters relating to marriage in a straightforward fashion, which suggests that the social ranking of the suitors who proposed marriage had already been considered before acceptances were made. For example: 12th September 1776: "Arung Pattiro proposed to marry I Kodomaralleq and was accepted. The rank price [dowry from Arung Pattiro] [...] 1 kati, 1 tai and 1 jemma [...]." (DAS:f.16v) 30th May 1780: "La Sualle proposed to marry I Aluq. His proposal was accepted and the dowry, 44 real, was paid. Barakallah [...]." (DAS:f.42v) These examples show that the amount of dowry given to the bride depended on her social status. Other factors would affect the sum of the dowry, too; ifit was the bride's second marriage, the dowry was usually reduced. 16 In all of these marriage proposals, which were later followed by the wedding ceremony, the prospective brides' opinions are not mentioned, suggesting that the match was arranged by their parents. In such a hierarchical society as South Sulawesi in the late eighteenth century,

maintaining social status along the maternal line was imperative for the elite in order to maintain the purity of their royal blood. It is this that is reflected in the dowry's function as a status symbol (Chabot 1996; Miller 1989).

6.3.4 Bridewealth as status symbols The notions of hierarchical status, and the degree of 'white blood', were reflected in the payment of bridewealth to the royal households. When a wedding proposal had been accepted, the bridegroom was required to present the bridewealth or bride price, sompa (B.), to the bride's family. It would appear from VAS that the sompa was delivered to the bride's house without much ceremony, and without the now customary mass of wedding gifts. The amounts of sompa are explicitly mentioned in the diary, in descending order of

Matthes based this statement upon his study of late nineteenth century South Sulawesi (Fried~cy 1933:560). However, in an exceptional case, a man of lower quality may have the chance of marrymg a woman of higher status if he possessed three qualities: wealth, bravery and wisdom (Tudjimah 1997:2). 16 In Islam, the amount of dowry given depends on the social position of the wife as wel~ as o~ the financial means of the husband. In Malaysia, at present, the amount of dowry offered to bndes differs from one state to another as stipulated by Enactments of each state. IS


nobleness, from as high-ranking as 3 kati 3 tai with or withoutjemma. to as low as 1 rai. The information extracted from DAS can be grouped as: 3 kati 3 tai and threejemma (for anaq mattola):

i h April 1789: "La Makkulawu proposed to marry Batara Tungkeq. His proposal was accepted and the bride price, 3 kati 3 tai [and] three jemma, was brought in. The marriage was carried out in the tradition of Lalebbata whilst the bridewealth complies with [the tradition of] Timurung. Barakallah." (DAS:f.l05r) 2 kati 2 tai and twojemma:

13 th May 1779: "Datu Cinnong proposed to my sister Arung Tajong. The proposal was accepted and the bridewealth was paid which consists of2 kati 2 tai and twojemma [... ]." (DAS:f.35v) 1 kati 1 tai and one jemma:

5th November 1793: "La Mappatunruq proposed I Bauq. I accepted it and the bride price was sent in [which consists of] 1 kati 1 tai [and] one jemma. Barakallah. The bride price was between Palakka and Kaju. Wakafabillahi syahiida [...]." (DAS:f.140v) 1 kati and onejemma:

5th November 1784: "Puawa proposed to marry I Odo. His proposal was accepted and the bridewealth was sent in which consists of 1 kati and one person and they were married. Barakallah." (DAS:f.73v) A smaller bridewealth payment of less than 1 kati is also found mentioned in DAS, implying these brides had lower status: 44 real:

30 th May 1780: "La Sualle proposed to marry I Aluq. His proposal was accepted and the bridewealth of 44 real H'as paid. Barakallah [... ]." (DAS:f.42v)


40 real: th

6 May 1787: "Arung Panynyiliq proposed to marry I Warn. His proposal was accepted and the bridewealth, 40 real, was brought in. Barakallah." (DAS:f.91 v)

5 ta;: th

27 November 1781: "I Kadir proposed to marry [I] Gangka. The proposal was accepted and the bridewealth of 5 tai was paid. Barakallah [... ]." (DAS:f.52v)

1 ta; and one jemma:



June 1786: "[La] Saleng proposed to marry We Cengkogo. The proposal was accepted. The bridewealth was sent in which consists of 1 tai and one jemma." (DAS:f.85r)

1 ta;: 4 th July 1794: "The Sulewatang of Bontoalaq proposed I Wempe. I accepted his proposal and the bride price was sent in, I tai. Barakallah." (DAS:f.145v) Those who were given the smallest bride price may have been the Arumpon(~'s serving maids, as Chabot says that good care was taken to have them married (Chabot 1940:327).

6.3.5 The wedding Millar (1989:68) says that in the Bugis wedding there are five main stages involved: the formal proposal, the engagement, the marriage, the wedding ceremony and the subsequent formal meetings. However, as recorded in DAS, these five stages appear to be completed in as few as two or three separate meetings. After a proposal was accepted. preparations for the wedding began, and the wedding took place within kss than a month of the proposal. In general, DAS informs us that the common age for a girl to he married was between fourteen and sixteen years old. Reid (1988: 160) states that in the seventeenth century the habit of arranging marriages for daughters at the age of puberty. of between twelve and fourteen. were an exception. and found primarily among the wL'althy


nobility, who had the most spectacular wedding ceremonies17. DAS does not elaborate on the customary practices of a wedding ceremony.18 The only activities described are the tuda-ttudang, which was held for three to seven nights, prior to the wedding day, depending on the financial means of the host. Generally, the girl's parents together with an imam or guru, or other expert in interpreting the kutika or bUang, decided the most fortunate day for the wedding. The day was then made known to the groom's deputation. Jaspers (1925/1926:145-6) explains that a few days before the wedding took place the bridegroom sent gifts to the bride: a ring without a stone, the tjinkara (B.), some local fruits, a sirih box, a box of toiletries, ear studs and a gold hair pin decorated with flowers. Around three to four days before the wedding, the bride and the groom were isolated and sent to a house or room built especially for each of them, the appasau (B.) (Aminah 1995). All the necessary requirements were provided for the bride or groom until the big day. Only then were they allowed to be seen by other members of the family and guests. DAS mentions this: 29th June 1780: "La Suwalle moved out to the appasau." (DAS:f.43r) (He married on 3rd July 1780). 15th June 1786: "We begin the tuda-tudang. I organised some games. I Cengkogo moved out to the appasau." (DAS:f.65r) (She married on 18th June 1786). 21 st September 1788: "Tenri Salesseq moved out to the appasau." (DAS:f.l00v) (She married on 25 th September 1788). During the 'isolation' period, all the needs of the bride and groom were met by a specially assigned attendant. They are implicitly mentioned by DAS: 7th May 1789: "Batara Tungkeq moved out to the appasau. I gave her one jemma. I began the tuda-ttudang. I organised a show." (DAS:f.l05v)

Reid (1988:159-60) refers to one highborn Makasar lady who married at the age of thirteen for the ftrst time. For the other eight aristocratic women whose births and marriage dates were mentioned in the Makassar court diary, their first marriages were at an average age of fifteen years nine months. In DAS, it mentions that the Arumpone's eldest daughter, Batara Tungkeq, married at the age of fourteen (DAS: 10d! May 1789:f.l0Sv). 18 A more elaborate discussion of weddings of the Bugis, Makasars, Mandars and the Torajans is provided by Aminah (1995). Millar (1989) also studied the weddings of ~e Bugis of Soppeng and analysed the mechanism of weddings as an arena in which to display one's SOCial status. 17

8th November 1793: "[ ...] I Bauq moved out to the appasau [...]. La Mappatunruq moved out to the appasau. I ordered La Rate to send one jemma named La Pasene to La Mappatunruq." (DAS:f.140v) However, the ostentatious ceremony itself is not described; the only mention of it relates to La Mappatunruq's wedding, and even so it is noted only briefly: 12th November 1793: "The wedding day of Arung Palakka and Arung Kaju, [there were] forty people as [his] witnesses [oo .]." (DAS:f.l47v) It appears that the diary's author was little interested in describing the wedding ceremony. For the most part we are only informed that a wedding has taken place, and the omission of such a description restricts our information on court weddings in the late eighteenth century. Throughout twenty-one years, only in one entry does Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh give limited supplementary information about the wedding ceremony: 22 nd January 1792: "The wedding ceremony of Sirajuddin and Siti Aminah, Syukur Alhamdulillah [... ]. The younger Anakarung dressed in robes and turbans [like a hajj] in the ceremonial procession to escort the groom [to the bride's house]." (DAS:f.125v) The diary of the Tomarilalang, DTM, does not provide much detail on the wedding ceremony either. Nonetheless it offers a little information with regard to the clothing of the guests who attended the ceremony, described before and during the wedding feast of the Arumpone 's eldest daughter. For example: 9th May 1789: "[ ... ] Arung Sailong together with Karaeng Laikang and

other [female] nobles still wore headscarves [and for the noblemen] sigara [a kind of headgear] [... ]." (DTM:f.95r) 10th May 1789: "[ ... ] Arung Panning, Arung Teko and other nobles' [ladies] still wear headscarves and [the noblemen] the sigara." (DTM:f.95r) DTM provides some additional information on the wedding ceremony of La

Mappatunruq, the Arumpone 's eldest son, to I Bauq. the Arung of Kaju: 9th November 1793: HArung Data brought to the Arumpone a piece of kalamkari as a gift [from the bride] in return." (DTM:f.126r)

213 10th November 1793: ''The guests have started to arrive to witness the wedding ceremony of Arung Palakka and Arung Kaju. The nobles perfonned a pantun 19 contest." (DTM:f.126r) 12th November 1793: "Arung Palakka and Arung Kaju were married. Twenty escorts for the groom and twenty escorts for the bride. One person was assigned to give food [to the groom] and another as his manservant. The nobles recited pantun and songs." (DTM:f.126r)

6.3.6 Traditional customs after the wedding ceremony As most of these unions were arranged marriages, in some cases the couple needed to be reconciled. If the groom failed to coax the bride into accepting him, a mediator was needed to persuade the bride to submit (Matthes 1884:10). It appears from DAS that La Mappatunruq Arung Palakka, the eldest son of the Arumpone, had failed to 'break the ice' with his wife, perhaps as a result of shyness, and therefore the Arumpone ordered one of the nobles to intervene: 24th November 1793: "I gave the order to Arung Teko to reconcile the couple. Arung Palakka gave to his wife one jemma after she began to communicate [with her husband]. Barakallah." (DAS:f.14Ov) Another custom reflected in the diary is for the newly-wed couple to pay their respects to the Arumpone and the Queen a few days after their marriage ceremony. Almost all those whose marriages are mentioned, whether his relatives or nobles, paid a visit and presented gifts to the king and queen. The number of gifts and the kind of gifts received would differ, with blood ties and status playing a part (see Chapter 6.8.2). DAS also tells us that a gathering took place to witness the listing of property each

spouse brought to the marriage. This is an indication of awareness that the marriage may not work, and divorce could ensue. By listing what the bride and the groom had and what they brought into the marriage, it would be easier to divide the jointlyacquired property if divorce could not be avoided. On this, DAS states:

Pantun is a kind of poetry performed through singing. It is the art of rhetoric that is practised in Indonesia (and Malaysia), and was traditionally used to educate young people by the elders and by young 19

people during courting. The people in the western part of Indonesia (Sumatra, Java, Bali, etc.) perf~rm the pantun while sitting down in a circle. In the eastern part of Indonesia, such as the Ambons, Irian and Sulawesi, they are performed in a freer manner (sitting down, standing up, even while dancing). (personal communication with Petta Awampone ADdi Mappassissi, at Watampone, 1999).


Addendum 1783: "~ese are the ~ossessions of Arung Madello that she brought wIth her. at the tIme she was married: a set of bosaraq [a kind of contaIner, B.], a bracelet with zircon, a set of necklaces, a pair of bosaraq covers, a set of bracelets [... ]. a pair of necklaces [relleq, B.], two wooden necklaces; one broad and another was wiry, a small basket, a big pao jengki with gold cover, one silver kettle plated with gold, a sa/abetta [a kind of drinking container, B.] with gold cover and silver saucer [... ], a hair ornament made of gold [. oo], two standing bosara [oo.] a pair of rings, two arm decorations, two smaller arm decorations with jewels [jade], three ruby rings, one diamond ring [... ]." (DAS:f.67v) th

5 December 1793: "Arung Palakka together with his wife came to the baruga, he wore a tope and [he] was shaded by an umbrella. The Anreguru Anakarung, husband and wife, were present and [they] sat together with Arung Teko, husband and wife, [whilst] Datu Boliq listed down all property belonging to Arung Kaju prior to marrying [to Arung Palakka]." (DAS:f.141 r) th

6 December 1793: "[ ... ] The Anreguru Anakarung husband and wife were present and they sat together with Arung Teko, both husband and wife, whilst Datu Boliq listed down all property belonging to Arung Palakka that he had prior to his marriage [to Arung Kaju]." (DAS:f.141r)2o

6.3.7 Divorce and polygamy among members of the court of Bone DAS reveals that some of these marriages ended in divorce. Millar (1989) in her study of the Soppengers' marriages states that one divorce takes place for every four marriages among the BugiS.21 In Islamic jurisprudence the annulment of marriage, ta/ak (Ar.), or divorce, could be done either by a pronouncement or in writing. Within marriage, the ta/ak could be pronounced up to three times. The third time, the couple lost the chance of reunion, unless the ex-wife married another man and was later divorced, nikah muhalil (Ar.) (Aminah 1995:46). Example of this, however. are absent from the diary. In addition, Matthes says that in the kingdom of Luwuq, matters concerning divorces of the kings were described in old poems. When. for example. a queen wished to divorce her consort, this occurred by mutual consent and. after the pronouncement of the t%~~k, both took a bath to wash away the marriag~. symholising the end of a relationship and the beginning of a new life (Matthes 1884: II ). ~o A detail of A rung Palakka La Mappatunruq's properties were found listed in DAS (fI87r). 11 Millar obtained her statistical data for 1967 to 1975 (~tillar 1989:196-7).

215 DAS records only five divorces for the period of twenty-one years~ for example:

29 th May 1784: "[ ... ] My uncle, Arung Ngamali [sic.:Amali] had divorced [his wife], I Rabida. Wakafabillahi syahiida." (DAS:f.70v) 2nd September 1784: "[ ... ] The suro of Duri came as instructed by the Maqdanrang to bring me a letter [which] informed on the departure of the Anreguru Anakarung together with the jemma tongngeng to Luwuq to send a notice on the annulment of the marriage between the Datu of Soppeng with Arung Apala [... ]." (DAS:f.72v) 25 th November 1793: "[ ... ] I ordered La Masi to visit Arung Timurung [Batara Tungkeq] and at the same time also brought along with him [La Masi] the divorce notice from Arung Mampu Riaja to her [Batara Tungkeq]." (DAS:f.140v) These few entries suggest that the incidence of divorce among members of the Bone court was low. Perhaps the interventions of the Arumpone, who acted not only as a ruler but also as an advocate in family matters, had some degree of influence on the rate of divorce, and his mediation may have helped to restore the relationships. For example, in relation to the conflicts that arose between Karaeng Bontomasugi and her husband, Datu Baringang, we learn that the former was brought back to her family's home by the

order of the Arumpone:

i h June 1779: "Both Karaeng Bontolangkasaq and Karaeng Data arrived [at Karaeng Bontomasugi's house] to get her. My niece [Karaeng Bontomasugi] was brought to Matoanging. I gave her 20 real [and] one silver tray [... ]." (DAS:f.36r) It appears that the couple lived apart for a short period of slightly more than two

weeks, presumably to give them more time to make a considered decision. Regarding this, DAS reports: 25 th June 1779: "This is the statement made by [Karaeng] Bontomasugi with regards to her desire: •Although I still have feelings for you [Datu Baringang], nevertheless, your [actions] have thwarted me, therefore, I stand [to pursue] for the divorce.' " (DAS:f.36r) From these entries, we learn that the annulments of marriage which occurred among members of the court indicate the prerogative of the female sex, and they illustrate the

216 eloquence and poise of court women in the late eighteenth-century. The court diary of seventeenth-century Makassar, however, shows a pattern of frequent di \'orces at the top level of society, in which political and property-related motivations were. perhaps. more important than feelings. One example is that of Karaeng Ballajawaya, born in 1634 to one of the highest Makassar lineages. At the age of thirteen she married Karaeng Bontomarannu, and twelve years later she divorced. Soon after, she married Karaeng Karunrung. In 1666, aged thirty-one, she separated from him, and two years later she married Arung Palakka Malampeq-e Gemmeqna. Then at thirty-six she divorced. and eventually died at the age of eighty-six (Sjahruddin Kaseng et al 1987:95-99: Reid 1988: 152-53). Although several entries record issues of divorce, only in one entry are we told the cause: 11 th December 1792: "The Anreguru Anakarung came with his wife and reported to me that Tenri Salesseq could not [any longer] bear Yusufs attitude. Both, Yusuf and Tenri Saleseq, conflicted [in their relationship]. I ordered the tau tongeng and the jennang bola to deal with their [request for a] divorce." (DAS:f.131r) Gervaise (1971: 114) comments that most marriages were dissolved due to infidelity. Nevertheless, no such cases are reported in DAS. Pelras (Pelras 1981: 174) says that in pre-Islamic South Sulawesi, fornication with a married woman of the upper class was punishable with death, and that the adat law was referred to, which sometimes simply corresponded with the syari 'ah law. According to syari 'ah law, those found guilty of committing adultery should be publicly stoned to death, and for those who were still unmarried, the crime of adultery is punishable with one hundred lashes. However, in DAS, fomification or rape does not seem to have been severely punished: 26 th October 1780: "I Mida informed me that I Tobia had given birth and that Arung Kalibo had impregnated her. I ordered La Opo to inform the Tomarilalang. " (DAS:f.45r) 19th April 1786: "Puang Batara Tungkeq informed me that I Sino had been impregnated by I Saleng." (DAS:f.84r) 6th November 1794: "Petta I Lempang informed me on the wrongdoings of I Masira and La Sangaji. and she [I Masira] is pregnant [... ]." (DAS:f.147v)


The only punishment we learnt of was for the man to take the pregnant girl as his wife,22 as stated in one entry: 22 nd April 1786: "I Sino received her bride's price, 88 real, from the person who had impregnated her, La Saleng." (DAS:f.84r) For those who had been accused of adultery, a trial needed to be carried out before the kadi, as stipulated by the adat, and mentioned by the Maqdanrang in his diary: 13 Addendum 1792: "[ ... ] These are the words that I heard [witnessed] that the Tomarilalang uttered to the Maqkedangetana: 'If a person who has been accused of committing adultery is put to trial, the kadi, in whatever circumstances, must be present [... ]' and so this was the case for the Maqkedangngetana [that he needs to fulfil] that I have seen and it was what has been contemplated by the Puwattaq [the Arumpone]." (DoM:f.23r)

A person who was found guilty of committing incest would be put to death by drowning (Hamonic 1975:125; Braam-Morris 1892:162; Adatrechtbundels 1929:230, 241; Matthes 1872b:2). Only once does DAS mention incest: 23 rd April 1777: "A man, who was accused to committing incest with his sister, was brought in front of me by [A rung] Macege. I ordered both of them to be put to death by drowning." (DAS:f.21r) In a society based upon hierarchical status, a noble man who wanted to have more than one wife needed to inform the Arumpone of his wish. Although it seems to have been a personal matter, it is evident that the Arumpone required to be informed by the person, and if they failed to do so they would face consequences for their disrespect: 3rd May 1783: "The SuIewatang of Bontoala came to bring the sosoq [fines] from Arung Kaju, one kati one tai because he had taken another wife [without informing me earlier]. He [Arung Kaju]

~~ HoweYt'r. in one of the Bugis sources, the Attoriolonna Bone, states the penalty for the crime of rape: "[.,.] if the victim was a virgin [and the rapist a man of rank], the tine imposed on the rapist is 1 fai; ifboth are commoners, the fines is 1 fai-l 1"(;(11: if the victim is a sla\'e, the fines is 2 real [ ... ]." (ANRJ UP Roll 43

No.4) As in Banten, the law that was applied in Bone constituted a combination of syari 'ah rulil1~S and customary regulations (adat). With such a situation, it appears that the kali or kadi \Va:' not the :,ok authority in legal matters, and that there \\'as an overlap between his authority and that of other high otlicials, 23


requested that I forgive him and so I did and I allowed him to put his kris on [again]." (DAS:f.63v) Although Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh kept a diary recording a variety of events continuously over twenty-one years, not a single entry suggests that he e\'er practiced polygamy, or had any concubines. Such practices were common among rulers and nobles in the past, and are so in the present day.24 Although Islam permits up to four wives at one time, we do not know whether Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had other wi\'es as well as

We Tenripada.

It seems unusual, though, for a man of status and wealth to have had only

one woman throughout his life. Furthermore, the diary entries prove that the Arumpon(; himself gave slave women as gifts to the Dutch Governor and to the Dutch Admiral. perhaps for their pleasure (DAS, 14th June 1775:f.8r; 19th August 1787:f.93r: 16 th July 1790:f.113v). For these reasons it is unlikely that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had no involvement with other women, even though there is no entry to prove this. However, we may speculate that to include such a declaration in the diary would undermine the Arumpone's image as a devout Muslim.


DAS on non-material culture 6.4.1 Performing arts

One cultural aspect that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh deemed worthy of mentioning in his diary is the performing art of dance. In the past, when the Bugis kingdoms of Luwuq and Bone were at the height of their supremacy, dancing was taught in the palaces to those of noble birth. From an early age, the children of the nobles were attended by the palace masseur or sanro, a traditional medic, and given massage nirekko (B.), and manipulation to make their body supple and graceful when dancing

(Halilintar 1983: 15). In the court of Bone, when each noble child reached a certain age. he or she was sent away to learn court etiquette, self-defence and dancing.


Gervaise states: "[ ... ] for fear of laziness should corrupt the good inclinations of their children, they keep them continually employed so soon as they come from school [... ] they have their set hours to learn to dance, to exercise themselves in running, and

~4 An example of this is the Brunei monarchy. The present ruler of Brunei, His \laJesty Sultan Haji Hasanal Bolkiah Muizzaddin Waddaulah. had two official wives. the first of whom is of royal blood and the second a commoner. Recently His Majesty officially divorced his second wife and shl' was stripped of rd al1 titles once granted her (Utusan Malaysia 4 February 2003). , 25 Halilintar (1983) provides this infonnation but gives no details of where and to whom the children were sent for their education.


several other sports that are usual among people of quality." (Gervaise 1971 :65) The requirement is illustrated by the account below: th

9 March 1780: "I ordered Daeng Niaseng to send I Dida to see Arumpone because she is going to be made a paqjaga [dancer]." (DTM:f.31r)

DAS implicitly mentions that there were certain persons who were responsible for educating children of the court. Although it mentions no specific number. the diary informs us that they were given distinctive roles. Some would teach the children dancing:



February 1785: "I instructed La Gawuq to begin working [building walls] on the grave of my teacher as well as for the grave of the Anakarung's akkalioq dance teacher [... ]." (DAS:f.76r)

6.4.2 The types of dances and their purposes Dancing is often mentioned in DAS in relation to celebrations and rite of passage ceremonies. A number of forms of dance are mentioned in DAS, but it is unclear whether they were generic, or specific to particular occasions. Almost all of these dances blended sport and music, games and combat, physical feats and aesthetic movement. In all, seven types of dance are mentioned: jaga, sere, kalauq, pasempeq, akkalioq, jogeq. and

salonreng. In general, the jaga dance is mentioned in conjunction with most rites of passage. The word 'paqjaga' is derived from 'jaga' (B.), which means to stay awake

(Adatrechtbundels 1919:273; Matthes 1874:454). On the occasion of weddings and other rites of passage, such as food initiation, circumcision, ear-piercing, tooth-filing. engagements and other ceremonies, entertainment activities would be held hy the hosts to keep their guests awake for a certain number of nights before the main c\'cnt took place. The jaga dance is performed by both men and women. Whilst Halilintar (1983 :2S36) distinguishes ten varieties of 'jaga', 26 there are only two types of jaga' dance 26 These are: Paqiaga lninnawa Maparakko. Paqjaga Tongka To10. Paqjaga Lili. Paqjaga .\fut~ro, Paqiaga BOnl!halla. Paqjaga Lumondo. Paqjaga Gilireng Makkunrai, Paqjuga Pakkanna or Paq/aga Gilireng. Paqiaga JJ 'i;lado Bone and Maqjaga.


according to Petta Awampone



that performed by dancers for the commoners, and that

performed especially for the nobles at court (Holt 1939:93-95). The latter is perfonned exclusively for the Arumpone or others of noble birth, and is called the paqjaga \\' elado. The dance derived its name from the village of Welado, in Bone, from \\'here the first selected troops of palace guards and Bone warriors came. 28 The paqjaga Welado dance portrays a warrior's might on the battlefield. Its movements and steps make it a gentler fonn than the jaga for commoners. Relating to this, the diary mentions: 31 st January 1781: "I invited the paqjaga of Welado and [also] the people of Ujung to perform thejaga dance." (DAS:f.47v) The other jaga is usually performed among the commoners. It appears that there was always an even number of dancers in the jaga dance. At Luwuq there were between six and twelve dancers, whereas at other courts, including Bone, they could number between two and forty. Performances of dancing, hosted by the Arumpone, did not only serve as entertainment. Dance performances were an exclusive kind of entertainment which were a 'gift' to the spectators or recipients. In one instance in the diary, Sultan Ahmad asSalleh had his dancers perform the 'jaga' dance in return for the deeds that his subjects had done for him. One of the many examples is the entry on 21 st November 1779, which reports that the people of Binamo brought Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh some rice and chickens. Three days later the king writes: 24 th November 1779 "I held an [entertainment] show, the jaga dance, for the people of Binamo, [the dancers were] a pair of female and a pair of male dancers." (DAS:f.38v) A number of times, thejaga dance is reported in DAS: 13 th November 1779: "The jennang of Bantaeng brought one hundred gantang of rice. [The nobles of] Baranaq and Beroanging also came to bring me some rice and chickens. I held some games and jaga dancing performed by the people of Malasaro, two pairs of dancers." (DAS:f.38v)


Personal communication. Petta Awampone at Watampone, Kabupaten Bone. on 23 September 1C)99, 28 In relation to this, Halilintar explains that there is another type of paqjaga dance knO\\'T1 a~ th~ Paqjaga Bon£; Balla. This is perfonned exclusively by members of the royal court. Only if ther~ i~ a defiCIency In number of dancers would the other court dancers of non-royal birth be able Ii' fulfil the . . hortagc (Halilintar 1983:33), 27

221 th

7 December 1784: "Karaeng Balakeri came to invite Puang Batara Tungkeq and me to her house. Karaeng Balakeri presented to Puang Batara Tungkeq one tail [...] [In return] I entertained [Karaeng Balakeri] withjaga dancing [... ]." (DAS:f.74r) 19th February 1787: "The wife of Inataue 29 of Binamo came to bring some glutinous rice and local cakes to me. I entertained her with jaga dancing performed by three pairs of female dancers and a pair of male dancers." (DAS:f.9Or) Apart from the jaga dance, DAS tells us about the sere. The sere was originally a kind of dance from the kingdom of Bulo-Bulo, nowadays part of Kabupaten Sinjai. The word sere means 'to meander', 'to move about with no direction' (Halilintar 1983: 18). The dancers, both male and female, were led by a sanro or bissu, and their number depended on the kind of ceremony being held and the hierarchical status of the host. The dancers had a number of props: a fan, called simpa, a kris or a shield, a chintz veil, and a kind of walking stick called pateko. Their costume was baju bodo, sarongs with red and black stripes, a veil and other accessories. Halilintar (1983) distinguishes four different types of ssere dance, namely ssere Marumatang, ssere Menre' ri AliJ"wanua, sserc; Mappadaung Aradjang and ssere Kasuwiyang. Unfortunately, none of these specific

varieties is mentioned in DAS, only the generic ssere: 22 nd April 1780: "[ ... ] Arung Mampu stood up and ssere [and] I [also] requested Arung Ponre to [perform the ssere dance]." (DAS:f.42r) Another dance mentioned in the diary is salonreng. The term originates from the Kabupaten of Bulukumba, and means 'to live in peace and harmony', in contrast with its meaning of 'veil' in the Makasar language. From DAS, it is clear that this kind of dance was also performed at weddings during the 'wake-gathering' occasion: 20 th September 1793: H[ ... ] the overnight gathering, 'tuda-ttudang', at the baruga began. I stood up to play [perform] the salonreng [... ]." (DAS:f.139v) 21 st September 1793 :

"We sat together at the banlga. I stood up to play [perform] the salonreng. The jemma performed the jaga dance for me." (DAS:f.139v)

~l) Inatallt; is a local headman.

Another fonn of dancing found in DAS is the paqjogeq~ derived from the word

jogeq, also meaning 'to dance'. According to Halilintar's sources (1983:44),jogeq was created in the Bone area in the early seventeenth century during the reign of the tenth

Arumpone, a queen named We Tenri Tuppu Arung Timurung, posthumously known as Matinroe ri Sidenreng. The queen had her own troupe of paqjogeq and paqjaga dancers. Halilintar states the jogeq dancing is popular among peasants (1983:43-49) and at a party where jogeq is held, one must take care not to get in the way of the dancers. as this could have alanning consequences: according to the adat, the intruder could be killed at once. This was called niteja tedung (B.), which means ''trampled by a buffalo" (Holt 1939:92). Matthes issues a similar caution: "[ ... ] we come through a kampong, where some regal padjogeq's or public dancing girls are feverishly dancing in the open air, with a pangibing, or man, who has paid for the pleasure. Be warned against walking straight through the middle of them; this would be considered a grave insult, and the pangibing would be wholly within his rights if he were to draw his dagger and stab you [... ]." (Matthes 1885, quoted in Adatrechtbundels 1929: 248) In Bone there are thirteen different styles or steps of paqjogeq dance, among others the mangellung, ballung, matappo, majangkala, malebba. matteka and mangibeng (Halilintar 1983 :47). The pagjogeq ballung appears to be the most interesting for the audience. At this stage, a male audience member has the chance to dance with any of the dancers that he is interested in, kontaq (B.). If the dancer responds favourably, she would advance towards him, the pangibing (B.), from whom she receives money or other gifts as 'payment' for dancing with him (Halilintar 1983:47; Holt 1939:89-92). Such enjoyment is reported in the diary, as the jogeq dance was also appreciated by the upper echelons. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentions organising the jogeq entertainment for his nobles: 4 th December 1779: "I arrived at Bulukumba [... ] Karaeng Balakeri gave me one jemma (slave) and a feast of one buffalo and a gantang of rice. [In return] I held a display ofpaqjogeq." (DAS:f.39r) 9 th August 1782: HI arranged thejogeq entertainment." (DAS:f.58r) In addition to the jogeq, DAS also mentioned the akkalioq dance: 1 llh June 1781 : "The Anakarung (DAS:f.5Or)




a kka Iioq


223 th

14 March 1785: "The Anakarung performed the akkalioq in front of the palace." (DAS:f.78r) 16th November 1785: "I went across to the baruga together with Puang Batara Tungkeq. I asked the children to perform the akkalioq." (DAS:f.80v) Halilintar (1983) gives further insights about this dance, which he says was popular at the end of the fourteenth centuries in the kingdoms of Tondong and Bulo-Bulo, now in Kabupaten of Sinjai (1983:53). Originally, the akkalioq dance was perfonned to welcome guests of honour. It derives its name from kalio, the shield used as a weapon of attack and defence. Its movements mirror the prowess and skill of men at war, using the shield as a prop, suggesting that akkalioq may resemble the pencak or mencak dance, which is directly influenced by masculine gestures. Generally, the gestural references of akkalioq or pencak correspond with expressions of challenge, courage. audacity, power and physical or mental confidence (Bouvier 1990:27: Holt 1939:9798). In relation to this, Crawfurd points out that when Bugis swore an oath, mangngarllq (8.)30 declared war or ran amok, they danced. He suggests that this was perhaps a means

of channelling emotion, concentrating energies and, to a lesser extent, assuming some of the character of the spirits (Crawfurd 1820 (1):122-23). The martial theme is also evident in the pasempeq, which resembles a duel more than a dance. This form of perfonnance is reported in DAS: 21 st August 1776: "I organised the mappasempeq event." (DAS:f.16r) In the pasempeq, two male participants run at each other, leap in the air as they meet in the middle, and attempt to strike one another with their legs. Perhaps this type of dance should be understood more as a game than a dance; Halilintar states that the pasempeq entertainment is usually held in conjunction with the sea festival, Pesta Lalit

(ld.) (Halilintar 1983 :57). The accompaniment to dancing was provided mainly by drums, ganrang (8.), usually varying in number from one to three pairs. Gervaise. however, pro\'idcs further infonnation on the musical instruments played. which were: '~[ ... ] trumpets that have no variation of sound: drums [... ]

and a sort of violin [... ] which [...] yield[s] different sounds,


For further discussion of mangngamq see Chapter 6.7.


pleasing enough the first time you hear them but not to be endured for the second." (Gervaise 1971 :70) The drummers, paganreng (B.) or paganrang (Male), could not be lacking from any feast. They too were highly esteemed members of Bugis-Makasar society~ their job wa~ difficult to master, and being an accomplished drummer was an art. Sometimes the job was transferred from father to son, and sometimes a drummer had apprentices (Friedericy 1933:517). In most situations when a noble of Bone planned to hold any feast which might include entertainment activities, the adat demanded that the Arumpone be infomled, and gave 'consent'. Although the diary reports only one such event, it is ne\'ertheless clear that organising a feast, like everything else, was subject to the hierarchical structure of the society: 10th July 1782: "[ ... ] my nephew, Datu Boliq, hold the jogeq entertainment at his house, which I have given him the consent prior to the event." (DAS:f.57v)


Scribal activities

In many societies in Southeast Asia, literature was transmitted both orally and in written form. Among the Bugis, there seems to have been no clear boundary between oral and written literature: they existed alongside one another and cross-borrowing between the written and oral traditions was extensive (Pelras 1979). Written texts, for example, often bear witness to an oral narrative tradition, whilst many orally transmitted texts appear to be based on written materials. Prior to the sixteenth century, writing was done on strips of lontar leaf. With the coming of Europeans to Indonesia, European paper, which came in greater quantity and was of higher quality, was introduced to the area, which as a result encouraged local creative writings (Jones 1986: 140; Tol 1996:21). DAS mentions that paper. karatasaq (B.), was among the gifts presented to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh:

23 rd October 1779: "[ ... ] La Matotorang came to bring me papers [... ]." (DAS:f.38r)

4 th June 1790: "Daeng Mangati came to visit me by the order of the Go\'enl0r and brought me two reams of paper, candles, rock sugar, tea and coffee." (DAS:f.113r)


In another entry, it is mentioned that paper was also sent on the request of the Arumpone: th

5 November 1788: "The paper [that I have asked for] has arrived, sent by the Assistant Resident." (DAS:f.l 01 v) We can see from the diary that activities related to literature were acti\'cly pursued in the court. Some entries from DAS confirm that special persons of quality. the literati.

To 'panrita (B.) or To'su!esana, who were highly respected, were assigned to educate the court's children. In addition to religious education,31 the children of the elite group were instructed in administration, war strategy and the skills of horse-riding and combat. Hamonic states that with the coming of Islam to South Sulawesi, the religious curriculum taught to the children of the court comprised four degrees: angngaji. the teaching and knowledge of the holy-Qur 'an; assarapaq, the teaching and knowledge of Arabic grammar (syaraf, Ar.); assarea, the teaching of the laws of Islam (syari 'at. Ar.) in Arabic or Bugis-Makasar languages written in Arabic script; and lastly atfareka, the teaching of the spiritual life and of spiritual truth (haqiqat, Ar.) (Hamonic 1985: 179). Although the last two were limited to a number of smaller groups who were interested in a deeper understanding of religion, there was clearly a special curriculum to equip the younger members of the court with particular skills (Gervaise 1971 :63-5, 74). Mattulada (1985) states that in the court of Gowa, especially during the ruling period of Gowa's tenth ruler, Karaeng Tunipallangga, a special court office called

Tumakkajannangang ana 'bura 'ne was created. Among its responsibilities was to see that the children of noble birth received a proper education based on their talents. In addition, the office of Tumakkajannangang ana 'bura 'ne was involved in educating children who stood to inherit official positions, and these children were allowed to attend meetings with the Councils of Adat and express their opinions, as part of their training to become officials and regents (Mattulada 1985:13-14).

6.5.1 The literary activities in the court of Bone In DAS it can be seen that literary activity in the court of Bone concerned itself exclusively with Islamic matters. Literary work included the copying of the Qur 'an and other religious books. materials pertaining to Islamic jurisprudence. tasalnru! (a branch of Islamic knowledge which focuses on the spiritual dc\'clopment of the \luslim

Religious education would probably be a later addition to the curriculum. after the kin~dol1l' had already accepted Islam. 31


individual) and texts of sermons. The only literary acti\'ity that was free from religious notions was the translation of letters from Bugis to Malay and to Dutch, and \'ice-\'ersa. Mattulada (1985) observes that works translated into Bugis and \1akasar include letters and also religious books, many of which were originally in the \1alay language. Many religious works in the Arabic language were introduced to South Sulawesi during the Islamic expansion of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Some of these works are still used today by the Bugis and Makasars: the lontaraq that narrate the marriage of Prophet Muhammad's (Peace Be Upon Him) daughter, Fatimah, and Ali: the lontaraq of Nabi Yusuf and the love story of Laila and Majnun; the Lontaraq Pau-paunna

Sultanul Injilai; the Budi Istihara; the Kitta Faraid (the book on the rights of inheritance); the Kitta Nika (the book on marriage); the Lontaraqna Sehc l\/aradang [Syeikh Mardan], and so on. (Mattulada 1985:28) Information relating to literary activities contained in DAS can be categorised as follows:

The copying of the Qur'an and other religious books: 1st November 1785: "I ordered khatib La Sakka to make a copy of a kitab named Fasal Hakimat." (DAS:f.80v) 18th May 1792: "[ ... ] Haji La Tunruq begins copying the Qur 'an which I have ordered him to do and he has copied up to [the verses of] AI-Kursi [~..fil I]. Barakallah [...]." (DAS:f.127v) 5th August1792: "The khatib came to bring the muqaddam which I had ordered him to make a copy of and now it is ready. Barakallah." (DAS:f. 129r)

Illuminations: According to Johns (1996:40), the need to make copies of the holy books -

muqaddam and al-Qur 'an - developed a new branch of art in Arabic manuscripts, or at least rudimentary skills in calligraphy. In addition to such activities, DAS also shows that illumination work on the Qur 'an was carried out in the court of Bone: 3 rd February 1789: "La Balada has finished illun1inating the Qur 'an which I have instructed him [to do]." (DAS:f.l04r)


The works of translation: Since the fifteenth century, the Malay language has been used as the lingua franca in the Malay-archipelago. Using the Malay language was therefore not something new to the Bugis and Makasars, because the port city at Makassar had been an important commercial centre of east Indonesia, it had a diverse multi-ethnic population. and the Malay language had been spoken in the city for centuries (Villiers 1990). As most official communication between the king of Bone and the Dutch Governor was through letters which were translated from Malay to Dutch and vice-versa, the work of translation was the most essential duty performed by the court scribes and interpreters. The translation of letters between the Dutch and Bone is mentioned in DAS: 21 st September 1779: "Daeng Majarreki came to inform [me] that he has not yet finished translating the [Bugis] letter into Malay." (DAS:f.37v)

21 st December 1791: "I Depo came and brought along with him a letter [regarding] of status of the paddy-field that was claimed from me by the people of Belang-Belang. The letter was written in Dutch and I ordered it to be translated into Bugis." (DAS:f.124r) 9th May 1792: "I read the Company's letter [which was sent] to Bone [that had been translated] into the Bugis language [... ]." (DAS:f.127v)

On the Dutch side, translation work is evident in sources, in most cases identified in the headings of the records: "Translation of a letter written in Malay [by the scribe, Abdul Rahman, and the interpreter, La Pasere] by [the order ot] the king of Bone to the Governor General and Raad van lndie [Committee of India] in November 1787." (ANRl Mak.14a. Secrete en aparte aankomende brieven en bij/agen, 1785-1808) HTranslation of the secret [Malay] letter presented by Anlng Tibojong, the Ambassador of the king of Bone, in person to th the Governor-General, Arnold Alting. on 8 June 1788." (ANRl Mak.14b. Secrete en aparte aankomende briel'cn cn bij/agen 1785-1808) h[A] Translation of a Malay letter from the king of Bone, ~d the Wa=ier [Prime Minister] of Bone to the Go\'ernment 10 Batavia, on the 31 st October 1788." (A1VRI .\fak.1.Jc. Secrete en aparte aankomende br;even en bijlagen 1785-1808)


In addition to the scribal activities mentioned above, it is interesting to discover that the Arumpone had himself composed some works of prose and poetry. One of his wellknown prose works is the book named Nur AI-Haady ila Tariqa al-Rasyaad (Ar.), "The Light of Guidance Towards the Path of Wisdom", which he completed at the age of thirty-two (PNI MS. VT 23:2; Bruinessen 1999:293). In its preface, the Arumpone professes that the work on Nur al-Haady is based upon his readings and personal understanding of religious works of other Muslim scholars. He mentions, among them, Syeikh Yusuf,32 who was also known by the honorific title of Salokona Khalwatiyyah, 'Crown of the Khalwatiyyah', as well as his teacher, PeW Yusuf, who was the kadi of Bone. 33 The book, Nur al Haady, is classified as a book on Tasawwuj(mystical knowledge) as it focuses its discussions on the spiritual development of a Muslim to gain proximity

to God (PNI MS. VT 23:2-26; MS. A.l08; Andi Muhammad Ali 1999: 1-15). In addition to Nur al-Haady, the Arumpone appears to have spent some time making copies of other religious books, among them the Kitab Siro.j al-Qalbi (PNI MS. VT 23:26-1 08). The kadi of Bone was among other Bone officials who were given the responsibility of making copies of a series of works in Arabic and Bugis, many of which were the works ofSyeikh Yusuf(PNI MS. Catalogue No.108). In addition, works of poetry such as toloq, ossong and elong were among other scribal works produced at court. DAS

mentions two kinds of poetic works, toloq and ossong, probably composed by, or under the instruction of, the Arumpone: 27th December 1779: "[...] La Petaq begins writing the toloq which I have asked him to do." (DAS:f.39r) 24th December 1790: "[...] La Petaq begins writing the toloq that I have asked him." (DAS:f:116r)

From his own writings, Syeikh Yusufis known to have been a tariqa teacher. He had spent around tw~ decades in Arabia, studying under teachers such as Ibrahim al-Kurani in Madinah and Ayyub al-~wat1 in Damascus. He had received initiations in several tariqa, most notably the Kha/watiyyah, Naqsyabandiyya, Shattariyyah, Qadiriyyah and Ba 'a/awiyyah and had been given permission to. tea~h them. After the fall of Gowa to the Dutch and its ally, Bone, Syeikh Yusuf left Makassar to reside 10 Banten. He became a close associate and adviser of Sultan Abul Fath Abdul Fattah, also known as Sultan ~eng Tirtayasa (Tudjimah 1997). 33 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh also mentions other names, apart from Yusuf Bogor, such as Muhammad b.'Abd AI-Karim Al-Samani, 'Abd AI-Rahim b. 'Abd AI-Latif, Mustafa Al-B~ 'Abd Al-~tif ~andi. 'Ali Afandi Qirbas, Khair AI-Din AI-Kharqani, Muhyi AI-Din AI-Qas and Isma il Al-Junmu (Brumessen 1999:294). 32

229 In the Addendum for 1793, DAS includes an ossong of fifty-eight cantos, which reveals the apprehensions felt by the Arumpone, though at the same time he derides those who claim to be brave before their courage is tested in battle (DAS:f.141v-142r). Alongside scribal activities, DAS reveals that teachings and discussions on topics pertaining to Islamic (sufi) mysticism were actively conducted in the court. Indeed, some of the entries in the diary reveal the Arumpone IS interest in such themes: 27th January 1785: "I had a discussion with Haji Apala and [I] asked him to read a kitab [religious book] for La Petaq and La Butung [...]." (DAS:f.75v) nd

22 October 1792: "I requested the imam of Bontoala to give me a lecture [based] on [the kitab, titled] 'Minhaj I also requested the khatib, Haji Teko, to deliver a lecture [based] on [the kitab, titled] 'Durra'. The lecture [based] on [the kitab] 'Minhaj' was delivered by La Ranreng, whilst La Pahara read out the [kitab] 'Durra'." (DAS:f.130v) I.

29th June 1794: "I asked the imam of Bone to read the Pessereq [Ar., Tafsir or Exegesis] and I listened to it. I also asked him to preach [based] on the [kitab] 'Minhaj'. " (DAS:f.145r) The last two entries quoted above refer to the religious books (kitab, Ar.), Durra and Minhaj, which were used in the discussions. 34 DAS also indicates the Arumpone IS interest in Islamic mysticism when it states that the Arumpone received gifts of (tariqa) books: 35 26th November 1777: 36 "The kadi gave me a kitab on Naqsyabandiah along with another kitab that was written by Tuanta Salamaq [Syeikh Yusuf]. Barakallah." (DAS:f.24v)

Although there exist a few works whose titles begin with Dun-a or Minhaj, in the above entry the Dun-a is likely to be the A/-Dun-a a/-Fakhirah, a work. on sufism that was studied by Syeikh Yusufunder the guidance of 'Abd ar-Rahman Jami (Beer 1979). The author of a/-Dun-ah al-Fakhirah was Niir ai-Din 'Abd ai-Rahman ibn Ahmad al-Jami, born in Kharjird, a town in the district of Jim (in the northeast rd comer of the province of Qiihistin near the Heart River, Central Asia), on 23 Sha'ban 817H11414.9 (Heer 1979:1, 23). The Minhaj could be the Minhaj a/- 'Abidin, a sufi work. by the great Abu H.8ID1d GhazaIi. There was another famous religious book, the Minhaj a/-Ta/ibin by Yahya b. Sharaf ai-Din aINawawi, but this was a book onfiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). (personal communication, Prof. Bruinessen in May 2003.) 3$ Tariqa, from the plural of thuruq, which means paths, is primarily a distinct set of spiritual techniques and devotional practices. The same word is also used as a synonym for 'school', 'brotherhood', or 'order' of mystical Sufis. 36 Naqsyabandiah is one of the many tDriqa (sufi or mystical orders) which has substantial followers world-wide. 34

230 Perhaps, too, presents of books given by the sharif of Mecca to Sultan Ahmad asSalleh contained similar notions on Islamic sufism (DAS, 30th September 1780:44r~ DAS.

i h June

1791:12Or). Andi Muhammad Ali states that the extent of Sultan Ahmad as-

Salleh's interest in religious study was revealed in the late 1780s when the Arumpone declared the Khalwatiyyah as the official tariqa for the kingdom of Bone (Andi Muhammad Ali 1986; Abidin 1999d:252). This pronouncement could be percei\'ed as a reflection of the Arumpone's deep interest in the teachings of the Khalwati.\~\·ah's tariqa. and his great admiration of Syeikh Yusuf, the founder of the Khalwativvah Yusu( -. . in South Sulawesi (Bruinessen 1999).37 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's religious interest may well be observed as far back as 1780, through sketches of designs for seals in his diary. The seal illustrated in Figure 6.6 describes him as "the proclaimer of the religion in the city of Gowa and its people": this clearly expresses a strong political ambition; at the same time, his personal and spiritual motivation in seeking religious knowledge is revealed in the inscription describing him as "the Sultan who has knowledge of Allah, Ahmad as-Salleh." (DAS:f.160r).









"extraordinarily voyeuristic glimpse into the most private thoughts and ambitions of an eighteenth-century Indonesian (Bone) ruler."


For more infonnation on the Khahmtiyyah tariqa.


Bruinessen (1991 :251-260)

2 1 ..


Figure 6.6: Sketches of the seal of Sultan Ahmad as-SaUeh (source: DAS:f.160r)

6.5.2 Hobbies and leisure activities Most of the entries in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary do not mention his own involvement in the administration of the kingdom or, indeed, the political situation. In tead, social and cultural issues form more than fifty percent of Sultan Ahmad a alleh

diary entries. We learn from DAS that most administrative responsibilitie w r

d 1 gated to his officials: the Tomaqbicara, the Tomarilalang, the Maqdanrang th Maqkedangngetana, the Anreguru Anakarung, the Ponggawa the jennang and man

either at the central level or at the level of the domains and territorie .

oth r


r ult of such responsibilities, it is unsurprising to discover the existence of additi nal diari

which were written by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's nobles during the period of hi

r ign. Lik other


ereigns in Southeast Asia, the entrustment of re pon ibiliti

ffi ial I ft Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh with much spare time in

t hi

hich to pur u hi

p tim


plicitl re



al the author' intere t as an indi idual. In man


- all h r port hi pastime· the e included c ckfighting al ng \ ith

tr ditionall m

uline pursuit

uch as hor e riding and bating.

ult n

~3~ Cock-fighting Among the royal entertainments provided on occasions of celebration in the courts of Southeast Asia, a special place was occupied by contests between animals (and sometimes men). No great feast passed at the courts of Java, Acheh, Siam or Burma without some spectacular fight between elephants, tigers, buffaloes or lesser animals. At smaller towns and markets there was at least a cockfight to enliven e\'ery feast. Hocart (Wales 1931: 124-125), who visited the kingdoms of Siam and Burma in the seventeenth century, states that the idea behind such animal fights appears to have been to symbolise the victory of the king, which he believed to be a necessary part of all coronation rituals. Reid mentions that in the earlier accounts of states. powerful monarchies presided over much of the large-scale gambling, especially on animal fights. suggesting a pattern in which the court itself regulated and presided over such activities (Reid 1988: 193). The control of these events by royal courts probably lessened in the eighteenth century, so that later visitors witnessed a more constant and uninhibited pattern of gaming. In Bone, cockfighting was one of the Arumpone's favourite pastimes. Not only was the game in itself diverting, but it was also a popular subject for betting, especially at the pasar. Gervaise depicts the popularity of the game as follows: "They pick out two cocks, the strongest and the most courageous they can find and, after they have half fuddled them with rice-wine, they tye [sic.:tie] to the places where the spurs grow, little pieces of iron, slender and very sharppointed, and then setting them down together, provoke them to fight. This is a great diversion for them, to see with what fury those creatures tear and mangle one another; nor does the combat cease; till one of them drops down dead upon the spot. Then the master of the vanquished cock is obliged to pay the master of the victor the price of the wager; that is to say, the sum they were agreed upon before the sport began [... ]." (Gervaise 1971 :73) In addition Gervaise records that: "[ ... ] no wild fowl is to be sold in any of these markets; for that the taking of them is a sport reserved only for the king and the princes of the blood, who have the liberty to follow that game in any part of the kingdom: whereas private lords cannot kill that sort of fowl in any place, unless it be upon their own grounds." (Gervaise 1971:59) Severe punishment would befall any offenders who breached the prohibition.


--' .' An interesting point to ponder is the sudden and intense development of Sultan

Ahmad as-Salleh's interest in cockfighting in the last few months of 1794. which is evident from the diary. Prior to 1794, DAS mentions his involvement in cock-fighting only as a spectator: 22 nd April 1780: "I went to Kung to watch cock fighting. Arung Mampu' s cockerel killed that of Addatuang Sidenreng [... ]." (DAS:f.42r)

In later entries, his anxiety over whether his fighting cockerels would be able to gain victory is highlighted, suggesting that he had his own fighting cocks: 16th November 1794: "Will Malasarie be able to fight in the arena, will it be able to keep on guard during the early fight [?] Let us first see it in action, then we will be able to judge." (DAS:f.147v) 22 nd November 1794: "Sang Ijo [the cock] flew [fiercely] into the middle of the arena which had iron fencing, [and it did not need] much encouragement [from its trainer] to boost its confidence and it began fighting [... ]." (DAS:f.147v) 1st December 1794: "The stunning Si Putih was previously trained by La Cowa and I would think when Si Putih has its duel, it will not retreat and meet with misfortune." (DAS:f.148r) It appears to have been important that the ruler's combatant should not be defeated.

Van den Broecke (1634:176), Warwijk (1604:15) and Beaulieu (1666:59), reporting different incidents, state that when one of the favourite fighting cocks of the sultan of Acheh was defeated, the king was humiliated. In 1618 it was reported that Sultan Iskandar Muda of Acheh forced one aristocrat whose bird was unfortunate enough to have defeated the sultan's cockerel, to watch his own wife being publicly raped by African slaves, and then later had the courtier's genitals cut off ''up to the belly". In another incident reported in 1621, the cockerel's owner had his hand chopped off (Reid 1988: 190-191). No such brutality is recorded in DAS. Although there were expressions of his apprehension, hope and confidence that his cockerels would win, when the .·Irllmpone's cockerel lost the duel DAS reveals only his deflated feeling:

29 th January 1795: ""Why did it have to die in that miserable arena? [The winning cockerel] Tompeq has already amply repaid its debt to its master [the noble ofSidenreng]." (DAS:f.149\')

')~4 -.)

Of all the opportunities for gambling, cockfighting was by far the most popular. for reasons possibly linked to the close identification of the male ego with the rooster. In the Javanese court in 1801, cockfighting was excluded from the general ban on gambling (Reid 1988: 195). In the Philippines, a Spanish priest commented on the Filipino's passionate enthusiasm for cockfights, saYing that ""the Filipinos loyc their cocks more than their wives and children." (San Agostin 1720:282, as quoted in Reid 1988:194) A similar passion for cockfights among the Balinese in the nineteenth century was observed by Van Eck (Boon 1977:31-33). Geertz' analysis of the role of cockfights in Balinese society placed involvement in cockfights in the wider context of status relationships and the redistribution of wealth, which for the Balinese were "matters of life and death". In addition, Geertz says that for the Balinese, the attraction was not in winning but rather in solidarity of the vertically organized group, and the hostilities generated in its endless status competition with other groups (Geertz 1973:447). For the Sa'dan Toraja, cockfighting was not only a game but also played a significant role in their ritual beliefs. Cockfights took place after the end of the period of mourning, drawing a SYmbolic value from the role played by the cockerel: on earth cockfights would decide the issue if no solution could be found to a quarrel; in the hereafter, the dead would be judged by the Supreme Judge of the realm of the dead, the Pong Londong, literally 'the cockerel'. In the Malay world, cockfights did not always end peacefully, as there are numerous accounts of a desperate loser resorting to violence or being led into slavery for his indebtedness (Marsden 1811:274; Newbold 1839 II: 179-183). Although cockfighting appears to be associated with gambling, nevertheless there is no evidence that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh participated in this aspect of the sport. Indeed. in 1780 the Arumpone ordered a stop to be put to gambling activities. especially at the market (DTM:f.51). However, the order leaves us with no convincing evidence of whether gambling activities had been stopped elsewhere. Horse riding f)AS mentions another of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's favourite pastimes. horse riding.

Although the origin of horses in South Sulawesi is unknown, records mention the presence of horses as far back as the sixteenth century. Van Soldt reports horses being used to cross the nlountains from 1559 (Van Soldt:82. cited in Pe1ras 1981: 15 7 ). In some areas, for example in the kingdom of Maiwa of ~1asserempulu. horses were scarce.

and of a common breed more suited as carthorses than mounts. In the Bugis and Makasar kingdoms, the horse was much used, especially in the deer hunts enjoyed bv the nobles, and, in the past, in war. Some foreign writers credited the Bugis with being the most accomplished horsemen of the Archipelago (Braam Morris 1892: 154-5). It appears that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had a stable of named horses of di fferent

colours, some brought to him as gifts, others brought at his request: 4th September 1783: "My horse, named Manyoroqe, has died." (DAS:f.65v) 8th February 1786: "La Gawuq arrived from Ujung Tanah and with him there was a horse that I have asked for from La Waheq. I named it Toribodose." (DAS:f.83r) 29 th September 1795: "La Sareq arrived from Timurung and brought the horses that I have asked for, one greYish and another palomino coloured [ ... ]." (DAS:f.153v)

Many entries in DAS mention Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh receiving horses as gi fts from his close relatives, nobles and allies: 9th August 1780: "The Paqbicara of Enrekang came and brought me a horse." (DAS:f.44r)

29 th March 1783: "There were two horses presented to me from Karaeng Bantaeng. Arung Kaju also sent me a horse and a dagger." (DAS:f.63r)

6th January 1787: '"A pair of grey horses arrived [and they] were presented to me by the interpreter of Bulukumba." (DAS:f.89v) 29 th September 1787: "[ ... ] there was a broken-in horse sent to me from Karaeng Bangkalaq. I named it as Kalulae." (DAS:f.93v) Horses were not only received as gifts: the diary also reveals that the. I rllmpone gave away horses to foreign rulers and nobles: 12 th November 1782: HThe Kornelis came and I gave him a horse. grey in colour." (DAS:f.59v)


7 June 1783: ',,!be [~ler of] Banjar has received my letter responding to hIS prevIous letter. I send [along with the letter] eight horses [to him]." (DAS:f.64r) th

19 August 1793: "La Mappatunruq [Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s eldest son] went to see the Governor and brought him [the Governor] two horses." (DAS:f.139r) As mentioned in Chapter 5.2.1, apart from buffaloes, horses were also used as barter and as a substitute for cash. Up to half the sum of a fine could be paid in horses (Adatrechtbundels 1919: 157). Several diary entries also mention kasuwiyang being paid

in horses: nd

22 November 1776: "Arung Cenrana came and brought his kasuwiyang, a horse, [... ]." (DAS:f.17v) th

15 February 1786: "[ ... ] the jennang of Malasoro together with La Salamaq came to bring six wild colts: four as the the jennang's kasuwiyang whilst two were La Salamaq's kasuv;(rang." (DAS:f.83r) Adat laws also stipulated rules regarding horses. For example, the Latoa gives a

number of instructions to the king's accompanying retinue when he is on horseback. Those accompanying him must not walk on ahead or even draw level with the king's horse. Elsewhere, the Latoa mentions that when the king summons a person, they may not ride up to him but must first dismount before respectfully approaching the king's horse or sedan chair. Indeed, if the king's wife or consort were to fall off her horse, the entire entourage, both men and women, had to throw themselves to the ground (Adatrechtbundels 1919: 157). However, an exception was made when the woman who

had fallen was merely a concubine. In addition, anyone who startled the horse of the king, queen or lady-in-waiting so that the rider fell, would face death, unless the king decided to spare him (Adatrechtbundels 1929:265). Most equestrian activities were the preserve of the upper class, as keeping horses was beyond the means of members of the general populace. Niemann says that horsemeat was considered a great delicacy in South Celebes (Niemann 1SX9:272). Some of the populace infringed the law by killing horses for Oleat. as DAS reports:


10 June 1786: "The Tomarilalang's wife came to bring the fine, one kati one tai, from the people who had slaughtered a horse without first getting the consent of the council of the adat." (DAS:f.85r) 7th September 1786: "As for the descendant of the ruler of Luwuq, the Anreguru Anakarung together with his five family members, were found guilty of killing my horse, [and] they will have to face the adat sanction [... ]." (DAS:f.86v) 24 th September 1786: "[I received] the payment of fines for slaughtering a horse from the people of Tajong, one [kati and one tai] [...]." (DAS:f.86v) When Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's horses were stolen, orders were sent to his officials to search for them: 25 th January 1781: "I asked the SuIewatang of Wugj to cross to Lagusi in search of Bakubodoe." (DAS:f.47v) 28 th January 1781: "I ordered To'Gangka to cross to Sengkang and [also] to go to the Addatuang Sidenreng [in his pursuit of his stolen horses Mayorae and Rambegae]. Tomarilalang went to track down Mayorae [... ]." (DAS:f.47v) 26 th November 1790: "Datu Baringeng came to bring Jampi Loko' s [a horse] foal. It was stolen by the people from Paccele." (DAS:f.115v) At the same time, in order to protect the interests of the king and his nobles, culprits found guilty of stealing or killing the horse of the king or a noble had to pay a certain charge as specified by the adat (ANRI UP Roll 43 No 4). It is observed in DAS that in most cases the fine for this offence was one kati and one tai, for example: 2 nd February 1786: "My uncle, Arung Mampu, brought me the fine from the people of Wuloe, one kati one tai, as a payment for stealing [my horse]." (DAS:f.83r) .1 t


February 1794: "The Sulewatang of Bontoalaq came and brought me the tokko [fines]. one katz" one rai. from the people of Binamo [for stealing my horse]." (DAS:f.143r) The Arumpon£;'s love of riding is inlplicit from its many mentions, for example:

23~ th

28 July 1779: "I went for a horse-ride to Bontoalaq." (DAS:f.36v) th

18 December 1783: "I went for a horse-ride to the village of Sanggalea, I chanced to meet the Governor and he invited me to visit his orchard." (DAS:f.67r) 1ih April 1794: "I went for a horse-ride towards the city. As I passed the east and the southern regions, the Governor saluted me with nine canon shots [oo .J." (DAS:f.144r) Although it was customary for the king to be accompanied by his personal bodyguards. he also mentions his wife occasionally joining him on horse-rides: th

15 March 1786: "I went for a horse-ride with Puang Batara Tungkeq [and] I also went to visit my parents." (DAS:f.83v) Apart from horse-riding, DAS also informs us that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh occasionally organised horse-races:



November 1786: "All [my] horses have arrived. I went to Cempae to race my horses. The horse which I named Tadang Masara was the fastest runner." (DAS:f.87v) On another occasion, he reports organising a competition between his horse and another noble's horse: 6th November 1788: "'I organised a horse race between Patodongnge, which belongs to the Datu Soppeng and Pageleqe which belongs to me. Patodongnge lost." (DAS:f.1 01 v) Horse-racing was also enjoyed by the Bataks of Sumatra. Marsden (1811 :38~) says that the Bataks ride their horses without a saddle or stirrups. At the end of the race, the loser is often required to kill his horse, to provide the public with some entertainment. However, in DAS, despite the entries which reveal Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s interest in horse racing, there is no evidence to confirm his having betted on horse races. This may be a genuine indication that he had no involvement in gambling; conversely. this infonnation may be withheld in an effort to portray him as a devout Muslim. There is no evidence whether the horse race was part of a wider social occasion that people were invited to, or would come to as spectators.


River sailing

DAS reveals that the Arumpone spent much of his time travelling. As the road

system was not fully developed, rivers provided the most important means of transportation. River sailing or boating was another of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s favourite pastimes. DAS shows that most of his river sailing activity took place whilst he was in Bone; however, some entries mention that the same pastimes were carried out in Makassar. On many occasions he was accompanied by his wife and. although he does not mention it explicitly, other family members would probably join him as well. 11 th June 1783: "I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq along for a cruise on the river of Tellang [... ]." (DAS:f.64r) 1st July 1792 "I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq along for a cruise at Bulusipong. There [Bulusipong], we [stopped off and] had a picnic." (DAS:f.128v) In DTM the Tomarilalang reveals many occaSIons when he accompanied the Arumpone on a journey or cruise, sometimes lasting for a week or even more. For

example: 8th November 1780: "I sent [accompanied] the Arumpone's family to board the ship at Panyulaq [... ]. Together with the Arumpone, we stayed overnight at Pallette." (DTM:f.35r) lih November 1780: "Arumpone went fishing at Bulu-Bulu. He went to Langkeangnge again and spent a night there whilst I [together with other nobles] spent the night at Bulu-Bulu." (DTM:f.35r) 15 th November 1780: "Together with Arumpone. [we] walked to Bone. [We] arrived at Bone." (DTM:f.35r) It appears that malopi-Iopi (B.),38 or cruising, did not only take place on ri\'ers. The

diary also indicates that during the monsoon season some low lands. for example the paddy fields area, would be flooded. Such an opportunity was not missed by the Arumpolle, and the diary describes him enjoYing boat-rides on the flooded paddy tields:

12 th January 1789: . "The flood below nlY house has risen to calf-level. I went tor a boat-ride in the paddy fields at Batumalimpung [... J The ,'8

Lopi is a kind of ship or boat. Ma/opi-/opi means to sail for pleasure or cruising.

level of flood below my house has risen above the knee." (DAS:f.104r) Whilst he was in Bone, Sultan Ahmad as-Sa1leh went for malopi-Iopi to the interior parts of his kingdom such as Cenrana and several other places that were accessible by water transportation, some of which were reported in DAS: th

17 May 1777: "I boarded a ship at Panyulaq. I arrived at Pallette [... ]." (DAS:f.21 v) th

13 January 1781: "I boarded a ship at Awampone to go to Timurung. I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq along. I arrived at Laoniq. I left Laoniq and [later] I arrived at Gellengnge." (DAS:f.47v) th

25 February 1781: "I boarded a ship to We1ado. I left We1ado. I arrived at Cenrana. I left Cenrana and [then] I arrived at Ceppie." (DAS:f.48r) The purpose of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's "malopi-Iopi' activities was twofold: apart from a sumptuous form of relaxation, boating to the hinterlands was, presumably, also a way for him to meet his nobles and subjects, and thus to strengthen his ties and influence among the nobles on the periphery. For example, DAS records:

i h December 1785: "[ ... ] I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq along for a cruise at the estuary of UnYnYi's river [... ] Arung Mampu came to invite me [to his house]." (DAS:f.81r) th

8 December 1785: "I left Cenrana heading for Mampu. I arrived at Kung. The people [nobles] of Mampu presented me with a buffalo and some rice. I went to Otting [... ]." (DAS:f.81r) It is noted that whenever the Arumpone paid a visit to or stopped over at any places.

whether under his direct jurisdiction or not, he would receive presents from the nobles and the local people. The most common types of gifts mentioned in the diary werc money and food - rice and livestock such as chicken and buffaloes (DAS:f.20v: f.79r: f.114y). Their purpose is easily understood; simply to honour him as the ruler of Bone. Arguably, the gift of a buffalo was, in Bugis adat, an indication of recognition and support of his sovereignty not only as the Arumpone but also as the suprcme ruler oycr other Bugis kingdoms (cf. ANRJ Mak.95c: 13 th November 1789). which wcre technically his \'assals.


In certain circumstances, DAS mentions the price payable by those who built and

sold praus without first informing the Arumpone: 11 th December 1780: "[ ... ] Kalauq came and confessed [to me] of his faults that he had built some lopi [prau] and had sold them [without my consent]." (DAS:f.46r) In relation to boating, it is observed that kasuwiyang payments could also be fulfilled with ships. The subjects who lived near the coastal areas of Bonerate and Bajo paid their kasuwiyang in this way. Other entries mention that dues in the fonn of ships were also received from Bulukumba and Binoko: 39 25 th February 1780: "Bonerate came and brought its kasuwiyang, a lopi and money 30 real. I gave the lopi to La Basoq [La Mappatunru]." (DAS:f.41r) 19th December 1782: "Binoko [sic.:Binamo] had arrived and brought four lopi: three pangkuru and one biluq [...]." (DAS:f.) 26 th May 1790: "The sura of the jennang of Bulukumpa came and brought paddy two thousand [bundles] and one small paggoe [... ]." (DAS:f.112v).

Although it is clear that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh received ships in payment of kasuwiyang, nevertheless the diary does not explicitly report his having received any

ships as a gift. On the other hand, in a few entries it is clear that he gave away ships to his immediate family members and nobles: 1st June 1781: "I boarded the lopi [prau] that was brought [to me] by the Kalauq. I gave one [lopi] to La Musa, one to the gel/arang of Bontoalaq and [one lopi] to Datu Baringang. As for the lopi [prau] that I took from the people of Lemo-Lemo, I gave one [lopi] to the Maqdanrang, one [lopi] to my parents and one [lopi] to I Depo [Deefhout]." (DAS:f.5Or) 2nd June 1781: "[ ... ] I gave the bigger lopi to [my eldest daughter.] Batara Tungkeq, one [lopi] to the Tomarilalang and one [lopi] to the jennang of Bulukumba." (DAS:f.50r)


Binoko was. perhaps. a conupted spelling of Binamo.


19 December 1782: "[ ...] I gave one pangkuru to Datu Baringeng." (DAS:f.6Or) Interestingly, in addition to its disclosure of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s interest in sailing, his receiving ships as part of his kasuwiyang payment, and giving away ships as a gift, DAS also lists the various kinds of water vessels that were in use in the eighteenth century. In addition to lopi, meaning prau, several other kinds of vessel are mentioned: apela, biluq, keci, pagoe, pangkuru and solo. Relating to these, DAS reports:

On apela: 21 st February 1795: "I commanded La Pajo and La Kudada to send ten apela of ammunition to the north." (DAS:f.150r)

On biluq and pangkuru: 21 st September 1790: "Bonerate came and brought their kasuwiyang ships: one biluq with outrigger, one large pangkuru and two pangkuru with outrigger [... ]." (DAS:f.114v)

On kee; and solo: 15 th August 1789: "I was informed that order has been given out by the Governor to fight against the outlaws who had set fire on a few islands: one ked and two solo [of Dutch troops] had left." (DAS:f.l07r)

Onpagoe: 26 th May 1790: "The suro of the jennang of Bulukumpa came and brought two thousand bundles of paddy and one small pagoe [... ]." (DAS:f.112v) In addition to the malopi-lopi, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had other pastimes such as fishing, fishing for shellfish, and shooting crocodiles: 15 th November 1780: "I went to search for oysters. I left Awampone [and later] I arrived in Bone [... ]." (DAS:f.45v) 26 th April 1781: "I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq to look for clams at the estuary of Tangka [... ]." (DAS:f.49r)

243 th

30 November 1785: "I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq along to catch bete-bete fish using the fish net at the estuary of Walu. I shot 1\\'0 crocodiles using Bule Towae [... ]." (DAS:f.80v) In one entry, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh recounts how he interrupted his cruise to go

hunting before continuing malopi-Iopi again: 29 th November 1785: "I brought Puang Batara Tungkeq to go hunting for dwarf buffaloes at Nagauleng, seven [dwarf buffaloes] were killed. I went for malopi-Iopi." (DAS:f.80v) It is evident that the malopi-Iopi was a lavish and luxurious fonn of amusement that

could only be enjoyed by a select few, namely rulers and nobles. However. water amusements in the kingdom of Burma and Siam were still more extravagant. In these two kingdoms, the grandeur and licentiousness of water activity captured the imagination of many astonished visitors. One source depicts a procession by water that took place in seventeenth century Siam: "In front go about two hundred mandarins everyone with his own beautiful boat and sitting in a small pavilion which is gilded and decorated according to the rank of the owner. These boats are rowed by thirty to sixty rowers. Then follow the boats for luggage and kitchen necessaries. After these boats come the state boats of the king, wherein nobody else but the rowers are sitting whose number amounts to from fifty to seventy men. Each of these boats carries a little gilded pavilion of pyramidal shape or other decoration. Then come four or five boats with musicians [.oo]. In the finest boat the king is seated under a decorated canopy [... ] hidden in all kinds of costly things, [...] then follows the king's brother with a suite of eight to ten beautifully painted and gilded boats [oo .]. The king's mother, the queen, his Majesty's children and some concubines have all their own boats and are sitting in gilded pavilions [oo.]. The total number of boats amounts to three hundred and fifty to four hundreds, and twenty to twenty-five thousands persons take part in this procession [... ]." (Vliet 1636:25-26; Reid 1988: 179-80) The absence of any description of a comparable water-borne state procession in Bone may suggest that the malopi-Iopi activity was practised by the Bone king and nobles in a simpler manner than in the courts of Bunna and Siam. In addition to lacking a description of such a majestic occasion, DAS does not mention boat races. which are


known to have been popular in the islands, notably in Maluku, where they raced with the long kora-kora. 40 Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's leisure pursuits as depicted in his diary pro\-ide a fascinating glimpse of the personality and interests of the Arumpone. Perhaps. hy looking into other aspects of his diary, we can learn more of him as a person.


Religious activities 6.6.1 The hajj

There are many entries in DAS that help us to understand more about the religious activities that took place within the court of Bone. One of the activities found in DAS is the performing of hajj, the Mecca pilgrimage. Information on the number of people performing hajj prior to the eighteenth century is very limited, despite the fact that Dutch historical records mention that Indonesia had close relations with Mecca in the early 1630s. For example, the sultan of Mataram, Sultan Abdul Muhammed Maulana Matarani (also known as Sultan Agung, r.l613-1645), and the sultan of Banten. Sultan Ageng (1650-82), corresponded with the shari/(Ar.), master or lord, of Mecca, among other reasons to obtain political legitimacy for their exalted positions (Bruinessen 1995:42).41 The only noble prince known to have performed the hajj was the son of Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa; the chronicle of Banten states that the crown prince performed his pilgrimage in 1674, and that after succeeding his father, he was known as Sultan Haji (Bruinessen 1995:42). During the eighteenth century, the main means of transportation to distant places was by sailing ship. As the distance between Mecca and Indonesia was great the Mecca pilgrimage was not only time consuming but expensive. Nevertheless, in the middle of the nineteenth century, some two thousand pilgrims had undertaken the Mecca pilgrimage yearly (Vredenbregt 1962:93). As communications improved and sailing ships were replaced by steam ships, the number of pilgrims increased, and the character of pilgrimage changed; it developed from a journey that often took many years and could only be undertaken by few people, into a mass affair, organised and with an institutional character. Such improvements further increased the number of pilgrimages

Kora-kora is a kind of prau. 41 These rulers thought that having the title of sui/an conferred by the shar~f could give them ~u~matural power. strengthening their exalted position and political legitimacy. In their opinion. the chIef shanf of the Haramayn (Ar.), the two holy lands. was the only one who possessed the spiritual quahty over all the Muslims' territories. Dar ai-Islam (The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1971 (voI.3): 17:'). In reahty. however. there was no institution that had the authority to bequeath titles to other rulers_ 40


from this area, which led to the fonnation of an Indonesian ·Jawa' society as one of the prevalent communities in Mecca in the late nineteenth century (Bruinessen (1999:41 ):4~ Koningsveld (1989) mentions that the Malay language had become second to the Arabic in Mecca by 1860.


DAS on hajj

DAS provides the infonnation that in the eighteenth century some people from Bone

fulfilled hajj, the fifth pillar of Islam. However, DAS does not give any clue to the length of time spent by a pilgrim from South Sulawesi travelling to and from Mecca. Vredenbregt (1962: 121) mentions that, based upon the Pilgrim report



Netherlands consul in Jeddah in 1878, "every year one sailing ship still takes Indonesian pilgrims to Jeddah from Singapore, which voyage took five months.',·B In the eighteenth century, a pilgrim would possibly spend a year just on the journey from Singapore to Mecca and back. If a pilgrim did not extend his stay at Mecca, and only spent a total of four or five months on pilgrimage, it would take about eighteen to twenty months in total to travel to Mecca and return to South Sulawesi. provided that there were few difficulties en route. In reality, the journey could take two years or more. We see in DAS that in many cases two of those who undertook the pilgrimage were the kadi and the khatib. At least ten people who bore the title Haji are mentioned, suggesting that at least ten people had perfonned the pilgrimage in the period 17751795. Among the names found in DAS are Haji Apala, Haji Muhammad, Haji '{usuf,

Haji Jida, Haji La Semmang, Haji Tunruq, Haji Hasin [Husin], Haji Teko, Haji

Asumali, Haji La Tatta and Haji Umar. In addition, inferences can be made from the diary's entries with regard to people who had departed on, or returned from, their Mecca pilgrimage: 22 nd May 1780: "La Panuq taking leave to perfonn pilgrimage [to Mecca], his son, I Nawa, was also present. Barakallah." (DAS:f.42\')

The Javanese community, as mentioned by Bruinessen (1995:41-2), referred to those who came from the Southeast Asia region. It should be taken into account that .Jayanese' would ab() encompass other ¥roups from Sumatera. South Sulawesi. Madura ~d o~er parts of Indone.sia.... . . In 1872 the Netherlands consulate was establIshed 10 Jeddah. At thIS time there \\as no Immediate shipping connection between the Indonesian archipelago and Jeddah. Singapor~ was the point of embarkation arld debarkation for the Indonesian pilgrims. These Indonesian pilgrims' transportation \,~s dealt \\ith by the Arab and British ship owners, arld only in 18S4 did Dutch ships take part 10 theIr transportation. at an estimated share of 40 per cent (Vredenbregt 1962: 1)0). 42


6 January 1791: "Haj i La Muhammad came to see me after he returned from performing the hajj [ ... ]." (DAS:f 117v) th

12 October 1791: "La Balu asked for penrusslon [to leave] to perform pilgrimage." (DAS:f 122r) rd

23 April 1793: "The Wajorese who had returned from performing his pilgrimage [to Mecca] came to see me [... ]." (DASf.137r) Only once does DAS mention a woman going on pilgrimage which sugge t that very few women had the opportunity to perform the hajj: 18th October 1791: 44 "[ ... ] Two haji from Sinjai, husband and wife, came to bring me an akeq [a kind of semiprecious stone] rosary. (DAS:f.122r) By taking into account those who had asked permission to leave and tho e who came to see the Arumpone after returning from their Mecca pilgrimages, I calculate the number of pilgrimages for the year 1775-1795 as follows:


i ure 6.7:

umbers of pilgrims from South Sulawesi, 1775-179 (oure : D

The a erage number of people taking hajj over twenty-one year

one per on p r

ar and in more than half of the period, no one went. There are e en ear in onion per on performed the hajj while there are t th nu b r of pil rimage



1780 and 17 1 for

hi h

ere four and j re pecti el . The mall numb r of p

t .n hajj durin thi period

a the re ult of con traint

uch a th

th di tan ,th ri k in 01 ed and political rea on . wornan cam


th till hajjah if h ha performed th



norm u

0 t

")17 _'"tl

6.6.3 The official procedure on hajj in the eighteenth century Anyone who wished to travel on the hajj had to get pennission to do so from both the Arumpone and the Dutch (Leur 1955:274). It was one of the political influences exercised by the Dutch, that anyone within the Dutch jurisdiction was required to provide a travel pennit, for trade or other purposes (Vredenbregt 1962:94-100: cf. A.\RJ Mak.l00 No.66). Relating to this, DAS reports:

18th May 1780: "[ ... ] I gave him [La Panuq] a letter stamped with my seal on it." (DAS:f.42v) 21 st April 1786: "There is a haji who is going to perfonn his pilgrimage again. He requested for my [letter stamped with my seal on it] and I gave it to him." (DAS:f.84r) Interestingly, none of the entries in the diary indicate the Arumpone's desire to make the pilgrimage himself. From the records of his spending pattern. it seems unlikely that the cost would have been an impediment. It is surprising that, despite his profound interest in religious knowledge and Islamic Sufism, there is no sign of his aspiring to perfonn the pilgrimage. There may be two explanations for this: firstly. perhaps he was constrained by the political influence of the Dutch: and secondly, an extensive absence from the throne and his kingdom might have jeopardised his political ambitions. Daendels and Raffles, two high ranking colonial officials, considered the Mecca pilgrims as politically dangerous, and labelled those who had undertaken a pilgrimage as Hpriests". In 1810 Daendels issued a decree that ordered all the haji to supply themselves with passports for travel from one place to another, in order to avoid disturbances (Vredenbregt 1962:97). Placing restrictions on the pilgrimage was one of the political ploys of the colonial system. In 1825 f 11 0, an enonnous amount of money for those days, was charged for a pilgrimage passport, the possession of which was obligatory. This policy was advantageous, as not only were the Dutch able to levy a fee, but at the same time they could control the number of pilgrimages. Raffles also indicates that the haji were considered to be inciters of rebellion. and the most dangerous instrument in the hands of the native authorities opposed to the Dutch interests, as the naive commoners believed them to have attained the character of saints, and to possess supernatural powers (Raffles 1830:3). In a hierarchical society based on ascription, upward social mobility could also be achieved by those who had

undertaken a pilgrimage, thus enjoying a great prestige among the population while their time was spent in prayer or with other religious rituals. The Dutch were wary of .t

this sort of influence and prestige, and sought to prevent the hajf from forming an influential class that could be used against them. In this situation, the long absence of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh from his kingdom to perform the pilgrimage. in my \'iew. would probably have endangered not only his hold on the throne of Bone but also his aspiration to the throne of Gowa.

6.6.4 International relations between Bone and Mecca The diary also illuminates the relationships between the sharif of Mecca and the Arumpone. Although the propinquity of the relationship is not elaborated upon in DAS,

we are informed that all pilgrims returning from Mecca brought with them letters or other gifts from the sharif of Mecca for the Arumpone, as a sign of amity. These are mentioned in DAS; for example: 30th September 1780: "[00'] Haji Bukku [a hunched-back haji] came to bring [something] from our syeikh at Medina and a letter from iman Syafi'ie45 [ ... ] also there were two religious books [kitab, AL] for me." (DAS:f.44v) 26 th August 1792: "The kadi of Bone brought the khatib of Ulaweng who had returned from the pilgrimage and there was also a letter and an amulet for me from our syeikh at Toheta 46 [ ... ]." (DAS:f.129r) In the absence of gifts, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh records that he received greetings from the sharif of Mecca:

i h September 1780: "I met a hunched haji who had returned from [his] Mecca

[pilgrimage], named Yusuf. He conveyed to me that the sharif of Mecca sent greetings to me [... ]." (DAS:f.44v) However, it is unlikely that the sharif of Mecca have ever heard of Bone, let alone knew where it was. Perhaps, Haji Yusuf was tactfully passing on generalised greetings from the sharif to the pilgrims. Shafi'e of the diary entry was not Imam Shafi'e of the srmni sect who established one of the Islamic schools of jurisprudence. He was, perhaps, an imam, leader. who bore the same name. 40 Perhaps Toheta is a corruption of the spelling of Ta'if, (~ I...b), a town In ArabIa to the southe,\ . . 1 of , SaudI" ArabIa. In fonner tImes. . . 'It tookt\'.o ' or three \,S Mecca, which is today the fourth largest town in _ Ja .. to go from Mecca to Ta'if, depending on the route (The Encyclopaedia of Islam 2000 (vol. I 0): II ~-II fl). 4S

.:?49 DAS shows no indication that the Arumpone ever sent gifts to the keeper of the

It shows, though, that most pilgrims who returned from the



came to pay homage to the Arumpone and brought some presents for him: 11 th September 1780: "[ ... ] Haji Bukku and his wife came to see me and gave me a piece of antalasaq [velvety material, B.], a piece of kalamkari [an Indian cloth, B.] and a piece of shawl." (DAS:f.44v) 6th January 1791 : "[ ... ] Haji La Muhammad came to see me after his return from performing the pilgrimage, there was a [book] ~ a Comprehensive [methods of] Praises, and two [patt'cllo] rosaries that he gave to me as a gift." (DAS:f.117v) 18 th October 1791: "[ ... ] There were two haji, a couple from Sinjai, who came [to see me] and brought me an akkeq [a kind of semi-precious gemstone, (Ar.)] rosary." (DAS:f.122r) In one account, the diary reveals that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had personally requested one of the pilgrims to bring some gifts for him from abroad: 11 th April 1788: "[ ... ] the medicine-man informed me that Haji Taruq [Tunruq] is leaving [to Mecca], I [asked him to] bring [me] an Arab songkoq [a kind of headgear, B.] [and] one robe [... ]." (DAS:f.98r) The pilgrims also served as reporters in bringing back news of the outside world. This was important, since technology was still undeveloped and inadequate to provide the local rulers with information from outside their regions.

In one entry. Sultan

Ahmad as-Salleh writes on the political situation at Mecca as reported to him by one of the pilgrims: 23 rd April 1793: "A Wajorese who had returned from the pilgrimage came [to see me]. He reported that the sharif of Mecca was at war against his nephew for seven days and seven nights. Friday prayer was not able to take place at the Masjidil Haram. The curtains of the Ka 'bah were tattered [from the shots fired] and the Hajratul Aswad [the black stone, (Ar.)] was [slightly] damaged as a result of the ammunition's [firing]." (DAS:f.l )7r) Although the news was written by the Arumpone in April 179~. the cvent. howe\'cr. would havc taken place at least a couple of ycars earlier. or even morc, hcaring in

mind the duration of the journey between Mecca and South Sula\\"esi. 47 Despite the fact that the event had occurred a few years previously, it shows the Arumpone's awareness of incidents in the outside world.

6.6.5 Activities during Ramadhan, the fasting month Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh never failed to report the beginning and end of the fasting. We also learn of the techniques used in calculating the appearance of the new moon. for the first day of Ramadhan: 2nd June 1788: "The khatib came to inform me [on which day] the emerging of the new moon [could be sighted], which corresponds to my calculation." (DAS:f.99r) 9th April 1793: "The khatib came to see me, as requested by the khadi of Bontoalaq, to clarify the possibility of the appearance of the new moon [and to make a decision] for [the beginning of] Ramadhan." (DAS:f.137r) The diary enhances our understanding that the commencement of Ramadhan was determined by means of astronomical calculations, fa/ak (Ar.), rather than by sight of the moon with the naked eye, rukyah (Ar.), as shown in the above entries. In conjunction with Ramadhan, DAS provides us with other details of religious activity during the fasting month. Most frequently reported is the reading of the whole volume of the holy Qur 'an in groups, tadarrus (Ar.), by the santari (B.), a group of students who studied classical Islamic subjects (Gervaise 1971: 153). DAS reports that these santari are frequently invited to the palace to perform the tadarrus. It is interesting to discover that the mention of this practice occurs only after 17W2. The previous eight-year absence of such activity is not explained by the writer. It may be that the writer's interest in Islamic religious study develops in the mid-1780s along with his maturity in age. The diary reveals that the tadarrus activity usually takes five to seven days, at the end of which the writer reports making donations to the santari: 22 nd June 1787: H[ ... ] The [group of] santari performed the tadarrus at my house. Barakallah." (DAS:f.92r) Probably this war occurred during the administration of Ghalib bin Said bin Salad bin laId bin \fuhslll bin Husain bin Hasan bin Abi Numa who waged war against his brothers including his nephews See de Gaury (1991: 177-182); see also Ahmad Zaini Dahlan (18~8). 47

251 th

27 June 1787: "The tadarrus ended. Alhamdulillah [... ] 10 [real] were donated." (DAS:f.92r) th

4 May 1791: "[ ... ] The [group of] santari from Bontoalaq perfonned the tadarrus at my palace." (DAS:f.119v) 9th May 1791: "[ ...] The tadarrus ended [...]." (DAS:f.119v) Apart from being performed at the Arumpone's palace, the tadarrus also took place at the mosque: 18 th July 1785: "[ ... ] I went to the mosque to listen to those who perfonned the tadarrus, 8 real was donated." (DAS:f.78v) 1st July 1786: "I went to the mosque to see the santari perfonning the tadarrus [...]." (DAS:f.85v) 27 th May 1789: "I went to the mosque to see the [group of] santari from Maros performed the tadarrus." (DAS:f.l 05v) In addition to the tadarrus, a special prayer called the tariiwih (Ar.) was perfonned every night for the whole month of Ramadhan. The religious law recommends the perfonnance of the tarawih shortly after the prayer of al-Isya'. This is also mentioned in DAS: lih June 1788: "[ ... ] the kadi of Bone perfonned the tariiwih prayer at my palace [... ]." (DAS:f.99r) 3rd April 1794: "I performed the [prayer of] tarawih." (DAS:f.144r) In certain aspects, the diary is straightforward in reporting some of ArUmpOfU!'s personal supplications: the Friday prayer, fasting, and other kinds of prayers. O\'cr the twenty-one years, we can observe the frankness of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in rcycaling his personal supplications. For the first time since reaching puberty, he perfonl1cd the larawih prayer at the age of thirty-two:

14th June 1788: '~I started to perform the tariiH'ih prayer since I was obligated. Barakallah. The santari are still reciting [the holy Qur'an]." (DAS:f.99r)

252 Besides the tariiwih prayer, DAS shows that the Arumpone also perfonns the qadho (a substitute prayer performed for a missing obligatory, B.) prayer: th

18 June 1789: "I performed the qadho prayer." (DAS:f.1 06r) 9th May 1793 : "[ ...] I performed the qadho prayer." (DAS:f.137v) DAS, also reveals the Arumpone performing the' takarub' prayer. Perhaps' takarub·.

from the Arabic root word of qoroba ( y..>!) which means 'closeness' or 'nearness'. was a kind of optional prayer, which would bring one to be closer to God. Interestingly, however, the takarub prayer is only mentioned as being performed during the month of Ramadhan:

20 th June 1789: "I performed the takarrub prayer." (DAS:f.l 06r) 20th May 1790: "I performed the takarrub prayer. Barakallah." (DAS:f.l12v) 2ih April 1794: "I performed the takarrub prayer. Barakallah." (DAS:f.144r) From such entries, it appears that the Arumpone 's religious consciousness began in the 1780s, and that he later deeply involved himself in learning the Khalwat(\yah tariqa which was declared as the official tariqa in Bone in the late 1780s.

6.6.6 The Khalwatiyyah tariqa in Bone In South Sulawesi, the teachings of the Khalwatiyyah tariqa are prevalent among the Bugis and the Makasars. A further progression in the teaching of the Khalwat(vyah shows a development which resulted in two different branches: the Khalwat(l,ya!r Yusl~1 and the Khalwatiyyah Samman. 48 Bruinessen (1995:286) states that the followers of Khahvatiyyah Yusuf were mainly from the upper stratum of Makasar society, and that

the tariqa permeated into the court of Bone. As many of the followers were nobles. this tariqa was labelled as the aristocrats' tariqa, although in actual fact it does not restrict

its followers to a specific social stratum. Rahman (n.d: 14, as quoted in Bruincssen 1995:295) states that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had prevented commoners from studying the tariqa, guarding its spiritual 'knowledge' as a royal privilege. Although no such

Despite their similarity in names, both tariqa ha"e many differencL':' in terms of methods of practice. organisation and the social composition of their members. (Bruine:,sen 1995) 4S

motivation is explicitly mentioned in DAS, perhaps the entry below would suggest the existence of such a restriction among commoners: 3rd April 1786: "[ ... ] The kadi and the iman had agreed not to take issue with regards to the death of the jemma who had a different faith. i 'tiqad (Ar.)." (DAS:f.84r) Generally, in the teachings of any tariqa, the most important are the chants remembering God, dhikr (Ar.), consisting of the recitation of God's names or the formula 'La ila ha illallah' (Ar.), there is no god but God [Allah]. in a specific way for a specified number of times, and various prayer formulas, hizb, salawat (Ar.) or litanies. ratib, wird (Ar.). These recitations may be combined with controlled breathing and

specific bodily postures, and there may in addition be various ascetic practices (pJ.Y!

MS. VT.23; Bruinessen 1995: 179). The chantings and meditations had probably become part of the Arumpone's religious practice. As a follower of the tariqa. the Arumpone explained elaborately the techniques of chanting of the dhikr in his work, Nul'


(PNI MS. VT.23; Andi Muhammad Ali 1999:1-17). More interestingly. on many occaSIons DAS records the Arumpone having received divine knowledge, through dreams: 8th October 1783: "I dreamt that I was meditating. I saw light, ismujalala (Ar.)49 inside me that shines very brightly." (DAS:f.66r) 26 th June 1792: "I dreamt my bowe, the old Ratu Bagusuq, taught me to read dhikr. Barakallah [... ]." (DAS:f.138v) 27 th July 1792: "[ ... ] I dreamt there were twenty Arabs [... ] I greeted them then [we] shook hands, thus I asked their place of origin. I also asked how many among them were syeikh. One of them who claimed to be one of the syeikh answered that there were ten of them. I stood before them and read the chant of praise, Allahummas solli 'ala Muhammad (Ar.), once." (DAS:f.138v) DAS also demonstrates the Arumpone's search towards understanding and knowing

his Creator and His qualities; the Divine Essence (dzat, Ar.), the Di\'ine Attribute (s~ral. Ar.), The Holy names of Allah (asma, Ar.) and the Divine Actions (o.(al, Ar.): through literary works, and poems which implicitly reveal his desire to achieve the path of gnosis (cf. Hamonic 1985: 179):


ISl111y'alala (nur. Ar,) is light which is associated with divine knowledge of God.

"Unceasingly in the quest; lntennediary of sacred saint, Treading the footsteps of the learned, The limit of helpless ones, The inseparable three, the undistinguished two's, Him, but, not him, The truth of absolute being [... ]." (Andi Muhammad Ali 1988:115-121 - my translation) Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh mentions that the nearness of God comes [to the seeker] in two ways: by efforts (striving) and as a gift of God. By following the way of efTort (striving) one reaches the Nearness of God through inculcating austerity. endeavour and worship. These were outlined by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh in Nur al-Hady, where. at the end of his work, he wrote that "anyone who follows the path that I have suggested. having strong faith towards Allah, The One and Only God, therefore he will meet Ine on the same path, in this world and in the hereafter." (PNI MS. VT.23; Andi Muhammad Ali 1999: 17) In conclusion, the Arumpone's interest in tariqa teachings made him one of the exponents of the Khalwatiyyah, after the demise of Pekki Yusuf, the kadi of Bone. His profound interest in tariqa study also resulted in the production of religious books that added to the richness of Bugis literature.

6.7 The tradition of Mangngaruq DAS repeatedly mentions the act of mangngaruq, indicating that this act of fonnal

submission was a significant aspect of social conduct in Bugis society. Mangngaruq is an act of showing loyalty, allegiance and faithfulness by the subjects or followers to their king or rulers. This solemn act of allegiance took place at the outbreak of war, the investiture of an Arumpone, at weddings of kings or rulers, at the acceptance of a royal invitation and at other royal functions (Halilintar 1983:38). Gullick illustrates a public ceremony comparable to the Bugis act of mangngaruq. conducted by the Malays: "At the installation of a sultan, obeisance had to be sworn by all the chiefs individually. The chief began his approach to the dais on which the ruler sat, sitting cross-legged on the ground some yards in front of the dais facing it. He then drew his legs under him and to one side and thus advanced. putting forward his hands, palm downwards. on the ground in front of him and drawing his body forward to his hands. Between each move forward he would raise his hands, with palms together, until his thumbs were level with his eycbrow-; an.d almost touched them. The chief then approached to the daIS

255 and put his hands between the hands of the sultan, and then drew back to resume his correct position." (GullickI988:48)

It is evident that obeisance ceremonies could be anxious occasions for the king. providing as they did an opportunity to assassinate him. This nervousness is mani fest in the manner of conducting mangngaruq. The Bugis would dance to the beating of drums in a trancelike manner, wearing their long hair loose down their backs and holding their weapons in their hands to show that they were prepared to sacrifice their own Ii \·es (Crawfurd 1820: 122-3; Matthes 1884:6-7). We learn that the act of mangngaruq was not only performed by the king's subjects or nobles to him, but in some circumstances Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh would himself perform mangngaruq together with his nobles. This can be seen in DAS prior to launching an attack on the rebel, I Sangkilang, during the Gowa war: 26 th January 1778: "Together with the people of Bone, I perform the act of mangngaruq before we launch an attack on Gowa. " (DAS:f.26v) The purpose of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's act is easily understood: it was a symbol that he and his subjects would be facing their enemy together. The act of mangngaruq was also mentioned in the Dutch sources, which record that the Arumpone performed it for the Governor. It was, perhaps, a way to express his integrity and dedication as the closest ally of the Company. It also formed part of their adat before going to war: "At 9 o'clock, the king arrived to see the Governor, accompanied by a large following; the Maqdanrang, the SuIewatang, the Datu of Sidenreng, Arung Tanete, Arung Gantarang, Arung Gadung, Arung Salatungo, Arung Kaju, Arung Rappang, Arung Nangka, the Datu of Cinnong, Arung Lanca, Gallarang Bontoalaq, Arung Panynyili, Arung Pattojo, Arung Mamaling and also many others [... ]. He [the Arumpone] performed an oath of loyalty to the Governor. The king pulled out his kris and said some words in his language and said his oath and put his kris back in its sheath. His act was followed by other Bone nobles [... ]." (.-LYRJ th Mak.J 35:26th January 1778; ANRI Mak.286:26 January 1778) The act of showing one's loyalty or adherence was crucial in a situation when two kingdoms or parties were on the verge of warring. At such a time it \vas impcrati \c to he ahle to identify one's following by making subjects and nobles explicitly express their loyalty. Ha\ing identified whom he could rely on. the king could then strengthen his

256 forces and harness further support. Consequently, the importance of mangngaruq was twofold; to show one's loyalty to the head of state, and at the same time to enable the

Arumpone to identify his supporters. Prior to the mangngaruq act, a noble would be summoned to court by means of an invitation: the bila-bbila. There were two kinds of bila-bbila: one was used to in\"ite the serfs or vassals of Bone to a feast; the other bila-bbila served to call them to go to war with their patrons. The former bila-bbila, for example, could consist of eighty knots, to indicate that the feast would take place after eighty days (Matthes 1874:211: Brink 1943:311-2). The bila-bbila for a summons to war had as many knots as there were days until battle began. There was little difference in the shape of the knots of each bila-bbila. but the manner of accepting the bila-bbila differed according to whether it announced a feast or a war. A bila-bbila for a feast would be taken from the king with the right hand. whilst making with the left hand the movements customary when dancing, as a sign that the recipient was fully prepared for song and dance. However, the bila-bila for war would be handed over with the right hand, and would be accepted by the recipient with the left hand. Dancing and stamping on the ground, the recipient then held his dagger with his right hand, waving it back and forth, by which he SYmbolically expressed his attachment to his lord. He would then make ossong (loud declarations of his loyalty to his patron, B.) that he was fully prepared to stand by his king's side in any battle (Matthes 1864-72 (1):515; Matthes 1884:6-7; Halilintar 1983 :38). Failure to attend a feast without good reason was subject to a fine, according to the adat, as it constituted the offence of disobeYing the Arumpone 's command. During the Gowa war of 1777-1778, mangngaruq was performed in the presence of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh when he was already at Makassar. Throughout this period, his diary lists the nobles and allies carrying out the act of mangngaruq; for example: 19th January 1778: HThe Maraddia and Matoa Balanippa came to perform the mangngaruq." (DAS:f.26v) 4 th February 1778: "The Datu of Soppeng came to see me and he performed the mangngaruq together with the people of Soppeng o



Mangngaruq was also performed when a person was appointed as a military leader: 16th March 1778: "I gave to the Tomarilalang .\la/% the standard and he performed the mangngaruq." (DAS:f27\o)


18th March 1778: "I gave to the Sulewatang Bontoalaq the standard and he performed the mangngaruq." (DAS:f.27v) In addition, the mangngaruq act was performed after the ceremony of cleansing the state ornaments had been carried out, before the state ornaments were returned to thei r places of safe-keeping: 13 th March 1780: "The [royal] umbrella was supported and the service was conducted. I, too, [was subject to the rite]. The Maqdanrang together with the Tomarilalang, the Anreguru Anakarung and Arung Tanete Matoa performed mangngaruq. The umbrella was then placed back in its room [... J." (DAS:f.41 v)

6.7.1 The investiture of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh DAS also shows that mangngaruq was performed during the investiture of the king.

One of the entries gives an elaborate description of the investiture ceremony and the procedure of mangngaruq within it. It was performed by the nobles and members of the court in the order of their hierarchical status in office: 10th May 1785: "The Arumpone [performed] mangngaruq on the consecrated ground and simultaneously he also laid many cloths. Following [the Arumpone] later to perform mangngaruq in sequence were Puang La Mappawakka, Ponggawae, [and the] Addatuang of Massepe. Then [followed by] the Tomarilalang Matoa, then the Tomarilalang Maiolo. These five persons performed mangngaruq at the consecrated ground. Then the Tomarilalang of Patampanuae carried the golden umbrella to the consecrated ground where the Arumpone stood. Then the gold umbrella was moved away from where it was placed.[ ... ] Arung Mengeq also performed the mangngaruq at the baruga then the nobles of Bone who had not yet performed the oath held up their spears in unison. This is to describe [the role of] Arung Mampu who [was the first] to begin the dancing [mangngaruq], because he was the Anreguru of the Anakarung, and then the Anakarung, then the children of the Arumpone, then the rest of the nobles danced. [They] danced [with] their spears [and] the same [act was] also [performed] by the [Arumpone's] family memhers both old and young who were present at the in\'estiture, and also the people of Lalebbata. When the Anakanmg had finished mangngaruq, next to follow him was the Tomakkajennangngeng, Anregunl To'Manarai, then To'Aluk~ for he was the official who administered members of the inner court. Then followed by Anlng Unyn~i. Kapitan La


Madeq, then Anreguru To'Angkeq, then the head of the warriors [and lastly] followed by the rest of the WarrIors [... ]." (BL MS. Add. 12355:f.84r) This entry also gives infonnation on the status of Bone domains and tributary states in order of precedence. Evidently an occasion of great importance for his subjects. the investiture ceremony was also a vital and significant event for the newly appointed king. allowing him to observe his nobles' influence. The Arumpone's investiture is mentioned more concisely in DAS: 8th May 1785: "The nobles of Bone from Lalebbata came to instate me. Barakallah." (DAS:f. 77v) This is the only account found in relation to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's investiture ceremony. It is surprising that such an important event is not recorded in detai1. and there is no evidence to suggest why it was not. However, DAS does inform us that some activities were held at the palace prior to his investiture ceremony: 5th May 1785: "The nobles of Bone began to sit at the baruga. The Pajung [ruler of Luwuq] arrived. The nobles of Bone and [the nobles of] Wareq danced. The bissu contributed 107.5 real and one jemma [to me]." (DAS:f.77v) 6th May 1785: "On the second night, the nobles of Bone [gathered again at the baruga]. The Datu [of Luwuq] also came. The nobles of Bone and Wareq [amused themselves by] dancing." (DAS:f.77v)

i h May 1785: "The nobles of Bone gathered on the third night. The Datu [of Luwuq] also came. The nobles of Bone and Wareq danced. I Kobisiq came by the order of the Governor." (DAS:f.77v) 8th May 1785: "The nobles of Bone from Lalebbata came to reinstate me. Barakallah." (DAS:f.77v) 9 th May 1785: "I went to the baruga, the nobles of Bone brought me one jemma. The Datu of Luwuq [also] gave me onejemma. all the people of Luwuq gave their contributions, an amount of 415 real in total." (DAS:f.77v)


In this account of the nobles and courtiers amusing themselves in anticipation of a ceremony, the terse style of writing by no means does justice to the SPectacle of the occasion. After the investiture ceremony has taken place, two days later, DAS reports: 12th May 1785: "I went to the baruga. All the nobles of Bone came and said: "By the grace of Allah, we all came here to [surrender to you] [ ...]." (DAS:f.77v)

Understandably, the investiture of a king occurs infrequently, the previous occasion having been the investiture of Sultan Abdul Razak Jalaluddin, Matinroe ri Malimongang, in 1749. It was thirty-six years later that the ceremony took place again,

and from this fact alone one might expect Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh to have provided his readers with more information. When he was made successor to the throne of Bone in the early morning of 6th June 1775, his diary mentions the event thus: "I was notified by the nobles of Bone on their decision to elect me as the successor [to the throne of Bone] as wished by the deceased king. And so 1 live in the deceased king's palace." (DAS:f.8r) The information is perhaps meagre because the kingdom of Bone had to elect a new king before the deceased king could be buried in accordance with their custom. Yet, in the Addendum of 1775, no further information on the ceremony of Sultan Ahmad asSalleh's election can be found; in fact, the entry in the Addendum of 1775 mentions only the cause of the late king's death. As a result, we might speculate on the reasons for this delay in Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's investiture. Matthes (1872b:44-45), who spent a total of twenty-nine years in South Sulawesi, stated that he had never been fortunate enough to attend the investiture of a king. A number of new rulers had ascended the thrones of Bone and Luwuq during that period, but instead of the investiture, known as lanti, taking place, the successor to the throne was simply declared to be the king. According to Matthes, the ceremony was not carried out during the nineteenth century because the changed distribution of power in South Sulawesi meant that many of the customary practices could no longer be observed (Matthes I872b:45). 50

so Matthes states that only when a king was invested according to the custom, did he deserve the expression of honour accorded to the kings of Luwuq, Bone and Gowa by their subjects. This display of honour consists of placing one's hands together and bringing them to the forehead in such a way that the tips of the thumbs touch the tip of the nose, and at the same time sa~: usompa~ (B.) .or sombang~ (Mak.). Both express that one pays, as it were, godly homage to the king; worships him. The Bugts sompa, or the Makasar somba, is the same as the Malay sembah (Matthes 1872b:4S-48).

260 The case of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, whose investiture took place ten years into his reign, leaves room for speculation. How significant was the ten-year delay in the political arena of Bone? Was it attributable to his young age, or to his need to first create and then strengthen his network of loyal followers, that his investiture did not take place until 1785? Conversely, could the timing of his investiture have been a cleverly orchestrated political move, that brought to completion a plot hatched some years previously? For possible reasons why the investiture took place a decade into Sultan Ahmad asSalleh's reign, we must examine his politics in the 1780's, based upon evidence in his diary. 51 DAS reports that on 25 th September 1781, Karaeng Sangata and Karaeng Penna requested to see the Arumpone, while DTM mentions that, on the same day, a person named Karaeng Tamasongo and Karaeng Pannuq came to see the Arumpone accompanied by the author of this diary, the Tomarilalang: 25 th September 1781: "Petta Maqdanrang and 1 went together to accompany Karaeng Tamasongo and his son, Karaeng Pannuq to see the Arumpone and they [Karaeng Tamasongo and Karaeng Pannuq] were asked to remove their /crises. After that only were they allowed to shake hands with the Arumpone [and Karaeng Tamasongo] confess that he was the Batara Gowa." (DTM:f.41r) DAS is of little help in giving further infonnation on the individual known as Karaeng Tamasongo. In my opinion, Karaeng Tamasongo alias Karaeng Sangata was I

Sangkilang, the pretender to the throne of Gowa, as no-one else would dare to claim to be Batara Gowa. From 25 th September 1781 onward, neither 1 Sangkilang nor issues th

relating to his insurrection are mentioned in DAS. Only on 15 July 1785, less than four years later, does DAS report on 1 Sangkilang again, when it mentions the death of the pretender: "Daeng Riboko came to infonn [me] the news on the death of the person who claimed to be the Batara Gowa [I Sangkilang]." (DAS:f.78v)

The death of 1 Sangkilang gave rise to a conflict over who had the right to keep the sudang. Against this background, the timing of the investiture of Sultan Ahmad as-

Salleh, which took place in May 1785, appears to have benefited from a startling measure of prescience, vital as his subjects' official recognition of him as their ruler was to his claim to the sudang. On 16th August 1785, DAS reports that the Arumpone'5 Sl

See my discussion in Chapter 4.4.1 onwards.


adviser, the Maqdanrang, had sent Daeng Riboko, accompanied by the hill .\lakasar. to surrender the sudang (DAS:f.79r). Although it is not mentioned to whom the sudang was given, this question is answered by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh a month later when he reports that the sudang was brought to the house of Karaeng Balasari. the mother of the exiled-Batara Gowa Amas Madina and Daeng Riboko (DAS:f. 79v). After fourteen th

months, on 28 November 1786, an entry mentions the regalia of Gowa: "[ ...] Daeng Riboko together with the [hill] Makasar came to send I Tanisama [... ]." (DAS:f.87v) th

The next day, on 29 November, a significant event took place in Sultan Ahmad asSalleh's palace at Watampone, which had far-reaching ramifications for the relationship between Bone and the Dutch: "The sudang has arrived. I Tanisama together with other royal ornaments of Gowa was sent to me by the [hill] Makassar. They are, accordingly, in my possession [... ]." (DAS:f.87v) These entries from DAS suggest that the Arumpone's subsequent claim to the throne of Gowa was greatly enhanced and legitimised by his investiture as king of Bone. If Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had not undergone the investiture ceremony, which is required by the adat, he might have been unable to claim any right to the throne of Gowa. Indisputably, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh had the ruling power and was accepted by his subjects as their king before his investiture. However, the added value of public recognition and divine endorsement of him constituted by his inauguration is not to be underestimated. Part of the investiture ceremony consists of an exchange of pledges between the king and his people, in which the king promises to protect them, in return for which the populace swears: "[The Adeq Pitu said] you are the wind, we are the leaves. Wherever you blow, there we will go. Your desire is our wish, You say and we shall obey, Your wish is our command. Ask, and we will provide. Summon, and we will come. Should you dislike our wife and children, then so too will we dislike them.

You shall guide us towards safety, harmony and peacefulness." (Saharruddin 1984:27)52 At Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's investiture, his subjects' pledge to him was fonnulated

as follows: 1ath May 1785: "The Puang Matoa [the head of bissu] said: 'You are the chosen one, who has been elected as the Arumpone, your people put their hope on you to protect them and to assure their safety under your rule, [for them] to have peace and [to acquire] wealth [... J'. The Tomarilalang Maiolo said: ·We. the people of Bone, want to effect our agreement that you have inherited [the throne] and [for you to] be our successor and we your servants. Your wish is ours, and your wealth we safeguard, [whatever] you dislike so do we. You are our lord and you keep us away from danger' ." (BL MS. Add. 12355:f.84r) The language of this declaration carries a strong symbolic meaning. The expressions of unquestioning submission and duty of service serve to emphasise the allencompassing supremacy of the king, and of his subjects' acceptance of their \videranging responsibilities towards him. As the above statement amply illustrates, the investiture ceremony served for Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's subjects to testify their loyalty and devotion to him. The solemnity and irreversibility of the vow is moreover expressed in the king twice asking the subjects whether they had true faith in their conviction: 1ath May 1785: "The Arumpone replied: 'And you, the people of Bone, do you agree [to these] terms?' The Tomarilalang Maiolo then said: 'Listen to the Arumpone's reply, 0 you people of Bone! Have you all agreed to this contract?' [... ] Later the Arumpone said: 'Have you any reservations?' The Tomarilalang Maiolo replied: 'We have none.' The Arumpone responded: 'Will you deceive [me]?' The Tomarilalang Maiolo replied: 'We do not perjure ourselves.' Thus, an agreement was made between the Arumpone and the people of Bone." (BL MS. Add. 12355:f.84r)

Thc aboyc declaration was an early (standard) agreement between the king and thc Adeq Piw drawn up on the investiture of the king of Bone. Most likely the above example is equally apphcable ((l the other S2

Bugis kingdoms.

Although DAS makes no attempt to depict the grandeur of the inauguration. entric~ in one of the Bugis diaries, the BL MSAdd.12355, provide additional infonnation on the pomp and ceremony of the event: 8th May 1785: "Arumpone was shaded by the [royal] umbrella. As for the standards of the paliliq and the banners of the Tomarilalang. two hundred and twenty-two [standards and banners which were carried by each lord had] arrived and were present." (BL MSAdd. 12355:f.84r) 9th May 1786: "The nobles of Bone sent presentations to the bissu. The Datu of Luwuq also gave a slave [and was] followed by all the nobles of Luwuq in handing over their presents [to the Arumpone]." (BL MSAdd. 12355:f.84r) 11 th May 1785: The nobles of Bone performed mangngaruq, and honour [respect] was paid to the Arumpone. " (BL MSAdd. 12355:f.84r) The act of mangngaruq which was performed during the investiture ceremony hy the nobles of Bone along with Bone's domains, tributaries and allies was a renewal of vows to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh; a promise to be kept at all times and at all cost. It is understood that the importance of mangngaruq lay not only in its symbolising Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's supremacy, but also in the opportunity it opened for him to dcvelop his influence by cultivating networks. Discussion of this will be continued in my next section, in the practice of gift exchange.


The tradition of giving and receiving gifts

Like many societies, the Bugis also practised the exchange of gifts. It appears that in any society, the act of giving a gift eventually brings its own reward (Mauss 1990: 11 ). Gifts were almost invariably sent at the initiation of friendly relations between two parties. During the early voyages of the newly-formed East India Company. the captain would carry a general stock of presents, and at each port a suitable item would bc selected and delivered with a letter from the English monarch. In thc ~ 1alay Archipelago, many of the gifts given to the Europeans and mentioned in \ talay lcttcrs through the centuries reflect local specialities: tin from Perak. cloth from Siak. spil:cS

frOln the Moluccas. and slaves and all forms of wildlife from all these placcs. In return. the Europeans brought fancy goods like rose water, snuff, crystal sugar. tca and chandeliers (DAS:f 72r~ f.113r~ lI8e f.I27\"; A1VRll\/ak. 419']: 18 June 1790). The two th

264 most popular and widespread presents, however, were cloth (mostly trade textiles from Europe and India) and firearms. Specimens of wildlife were amongst the gifts most sought after by the English officers, Raffles and Farquhar. Raffles frequently asked for. and received, presents of Malay manuscripts, and, on the other hand. Karaeng Pattinggaloang of Makassar received gifts of books, maps and rarities from Europe. as well as animals and weapons (Gallop 1994:83-5; Reid 1981 :21). At all functions or ceremonies attended by Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh or his wife. it is observed that the royal couple never fail to offer presents to the hosts, in the fonn of money or other materials. A gift given by a ruler to his subjects appears to symbolise respect, and one does not have the right to refuse it. The themes of credit and honour are manifestly interwoven. In relation to this, one may say that receiving gifts fr001 the ruler could be interpreted as an honour that could help to raise one's status (cf. Mauss

1990).53 Among the Malay nobles, gifts received from the king such as jewellery. weapons and costumes were so exclusive that no-one was allowed to have such things except those to whom the king had given them (Shellabear


cf. Weiner 1992: 1J 1).

Seemingly, the gifts received were not reciprocated at once; some time had to pass before a counter-presentation of gifts could be made. This means the notion of an ongoing association was logically implied by the giving of gifts when paying a \'isit, making a treaty, contracting a marriage or an alliance, or when attending games, fights or feasts organised by others. Although in DAS there appears to be no record of refusal to accept gifts from the Arumpone or from the Queen, a number of entries reveal that the Arumpone and his

wife returned gifts which were presented to them when they attended ceremonies or feasts hosted by their nobles:

16th April 1779: H[ ... ] The Tomarilalang held the head shaving ceremony for his daughter and I Sao performed her Qur 'an reading. He (the Tomarilalang) presented to me 1 tai but I returned it to him [instead] I gave him 20 real and one silver tray." (DAS:f.35r)

53 Mauss

(1990:59) extracted from the Mahabharata two sections that tell about the ~e\'en rsi. the great

prophets and their disciples, who refused to receive the extravagant gifts and golden hgs ()tTered to them . CalV\ya . of thl'lr. hy the king Vrsadarbha. lnstead. they entered a 'tIme 0 ft".·, lamlDt: an d had to eat the CL,rnse.. .. t' . story IS . th at to gl've . dead to survi\'e. The moral of thIS gl'ft's means. to put .someone m a ..tatc ot indebtedness.


30 October 1781: "[ ...] I went to my nephew's house~ Arung Paning. He presented 1 tai real to me [but] I returned it to him [... ]." (DAS:f.52r) 1st October 1782: "I, together with Puang Batara Tungkeq. went to the Maqdanrang's house and the Datu Soppeng and his wife came along with us for the ear-piercing ceremony of I Ceku. I gave one person to I Ceku. I Cowa, I Balo, and La Tessiabu were circumcised. I gave each of them a gun. Puang Batara Tungkeq also gave 1 tai. Puang Batara Tungkeq was also given a present, 1 tai, but she returned it to Petta Lempang." (DAS:f.59r) The practice of gift giving may have had several motives. In most cases, it occurred between rulers and their vassals, and between vassals and their subjects. Through such gifts a hierarchy was established. Gifts from a ruler to his nobles or subjects could be perceived to enhance their political and social ties, to ensure their support and perhaps to 'buy' followers' loyalties. In relation to this, Mauss (1990:74) mentions that the motive for giving gifts is "to show one's superiority, to be more. [and] to be higher in rank [... ]. To accept without giving in return [is] to become small [or] to fall lo\\er [... ]". Mauss observed that in Trobriand society the system of gift exchange pervaded the whole economic life. In a society that practises gift exchange~ an unequal relationship of domination between the giver and the receiver is established, because the giver is usually regarded as superior to the receiver. In this connection, Strathcm (as quoted in Gregory 1982:47) states, "Whether this superiority implies political control over the recipient or whether it merely indicates a gain in prestige on the part of the giver are matters in which individual systems vary". As for DAS, the entries referring to gift exchange as practised in the court of Bone suggest it had two dimensions; tl)r political control as well as for prestige. In a society that bases its relationships upon clientele, the practice of gift giving is significant. For the Arumpone, the practice can be understood as a modus operandi to extend social circles, not only between his nobles and subjects, hut also to stimulate ties with other foreign kingdoms. A few entries from DAS explicitly reter to such relationships whereby communications in letters were accompanied hy gifts to enhance diplomatic relations:



June 1783: HHe [a messenger] has received [collected] my letter of reply to [the ruler of] Banjar. I sent eight horses [to the ruler of Banjar]." (DAS:f.64r)

266 th

8 June 1783: "La Selekang [the messenger has] received [collected] the letter that I am going to send to the Sultan of Johor. I sent two pieces of sarong." (DAS:f.64r) Certain social obligations are implied by the examples of gift giving in the diary: those with greater fortune and status should give to the less fortunate. This practice of giving alms, sadaqa (Ar.), is usually mentioned in the diary as a contribution after the death of the Arumpone's kinsmen or nobles. The contribution of gifts in the fonn of

sadaqa is encouraged by the teachings of Islam. At the same time, especially in a semimonetarised society, such a practice may have facilitated the Arumpone's relationship with his kinsmen and nobles in order to produce a friendly feeling between the people concerned (cf. Andaya 1993: 106). The diary gives the impression that the Arumpone gave away more gifts than he received, which suggests that his personal income was more than sufficient for his needs.

6.8.1 The social symbolism of gifts The practice of gift-giving by the upper stratum to persons of a lower class or among the same class has several nuances. According to Mauss (1990) a gift that does nothing to enhance solidarity is a contradiction. In addition to the Arumpone offering gifts, DAS tells us of the Arumpone receiving gifts from his subjects and nobles, via the

pakkuru sumangeq (B.) and the paccellaq (B.). It appears that almost all Austronesian societies believe in the presence of

sumangeq, loosely the 'soul' or spirit. It is believed that sumangeq can leave the point of attachment suddenly, rendering the body relatively inanimate (cf. Endicott 1970:4786; Winstedt 1925). It also emanates outwards, thinning in widening circles from the vital centre. At the same time, humans are constantly shedding sumangeq through bodily waste, or, less tangibly, through shadows, footprints, and the sounds produced when speaking (Errington 1989:52). Each of these losses has a characteristic fate, and carries the danger of exposure to evil spirits or black magic. In the event of the ruler having encountered several misfortunes, a special ceremony was perfonned to help restore his sumangeq. In DAS, this occasion is recorded as the pakurru sumangeq. It is believed that the event served to coax back the dispersed sumangeq, by the word

"kurru ...kurru", which evokes the cooing sound made when feeding the chickens (Errington 1989:53; Matthes 1872b:l0; cf. Winstedt 1961:14-20).

267 Although the diary provides insufficient details of how the ceremony was conducted and what took place, it does record that gifts were given by the nobles and subjects to the Arumpone. The diary entries pertaining to the pakkuru sumangeq infonn us that it was held because of mishaps that had befallen the Arumpone: illnesses, disasters when his palaces caught fire, or other incidents which were considered unlucky. For example, after five weeks on the throne of Bone, DAS tells us that part of the residence of Arung

Meru caught fire (DAS:f.8v).

Two days after the incident, and for the first time since he

became the Arumpone, he recorded that he received some gifts through the pakkuru sumangeq, with the aim of restoring his weakened spirit:

10th July 1775: ''The nobles of Bone contributed 26 real. [The nobles of] Binamo 1 tai. Arung Mario's personal contribution was 4 real in totaL" (DAS:f.8v) In the years that followed, numerous entries on the pakkuru sumangeq are found

subsequent to fires at his palaces at Bone and Makassar (DAS, 28 th August and 31 st August 1778::f.3Or). DAS mentions more than thirteen entries on the pakkuru sumangeq, among them the following: 1st September 1778: "Datu Soppeng contributed one jemma to me after my palace caught fire. The nobles of Bone together with the grandchildren of the Mappajung contributed [money], an amount of 65 real. Tomarilalang contributed onejemma [...]. The people of Wajoq who reside at Ujung Pandang contributed thirty gantang of rice to me." (DAS:f.30v) 3rd September 1778: "The nobles of Sumaling contributed 1 tai whilst the troops [of Sumaling contributed] 2 real. The freemen contributed an amount of 4 real, the jennang of Pannampu together with his followers [contributed] 5~ [real]." (DAS:f.30v) 4th September 1778: "Contributions from [the nobles of] Sidenreng 1 tai, Rappang 1 tai, Suppaq 1 tai, Sawitto 1 tai, Enrekang [and] Wawo Iwa 1 tai, Berm 1 tai, Binamo 1 tai, Bangkala 1 tai, Laikang 1 tai, Bulukumpa 1 tai, Tanete 1 tai, Pitumpanua 1 tai, Bulo-Bulo 1 tai Raja 1 tai Lamatti 1 tai, Lamuru 1 tai, Batu Lappa 41 re~l, Alitta 4 ;eal, Barana 4 real, Beroanging 4 real, Kasa 4 real. Thus the total amount is 156 real." (DAS:f.30v)

The pakkuru sumangeq was also conducted as a token of good wishes after the Arumpone's wife had safely given birth. In this regard, the diary contains the following:

268 23 rd October 1775: "[...] I Tenripada gave birth to a baby girl [...]. I gave (B.,) ota salabettae to her [a special kind ofbetel-quid] as my good wishes. For the baby, I gave two persons." (DAS:f.l Or) 28th September 1781: "After 7.00 [p.m.], Puang Batara Tungkeq gave birth. It was a baby boy. Praise to Allah. As my good-wishes, I gave her a set of betel-leaf containers decorated with gold-plated pearls." (DAS:f.51 v) 2nd November 1782: "After 11.00 [p.m.] Puang Batara Tungkeq gave birth to a baby boy. I gave one person as my good-wishes to her [... ]." (DAS: f. 59v) The entry on 23 rd October 1775 indicates that the giving of betel-quid not only represented good wishes, but also implied an honoured status. The Sejarah Melayu, commenting on this, states that those who were offered betel-quid from the king's betel box were considered to have been bestowed high honour by the king, as only a select few would have such a chance (Shellabear 1982:144). Apart from the pakkuru sumangeq, gifts were also presented to the Arumpone under the auspices of paccellaq. The Bugis word cellaq means red, as in the old Bugis for betel-quid, which, instead of ota, was called pacellaq; that which makes red. Following this meaning of sirih, the Bugis pacellaq was used for a kind of homage which was paid to a king, especially the king of the land, on the occasion of his visit. The gift varied according to the status of the king; for example, a gift of 4 real for a king without a kingdom, 8 real for a king with a kingdom, and 24 real for a bocco (states of Bone, Soppeng and Wajoq) (Friedericy 1933:562). The gift was presented on a tray together with a betel-quid. The paccellaq was also used in legal settlements as a paYment in kind or value; the plaintiff, when he won the case, had to pay to the judge, in a form of a homage (offering betel-quid). Paccellaq was also given in the form of a share of the yields of the fields that the cultivator gave to his master by way of homage (or sirih). The Adatrechtbundels (1917:272) also says that paccellaq was given to the king in the form of a share in an inheritance, whether in kind or in value, by way of homage. Entries relating to paccel/aq tributes abound in DAS:

30th May 1780: "[...] The Maqdanrang together with the Tomari/alang brought gifts fpaccellaq, B.] from I Banri an amount of 5 ta;

269 after he held the office as the Datu of Lamuru.[...]."

(DAS:f.42v) 17th September 1780: "The Tomarilalang came and brought Daeng Parani [to me] to present me his gift fpaccellaq (B.), as his homage] after he held office as the Karaeng Bulukumpa." (DAS:f.44v) 21 st January 1783: ''The Matoa Labakkang presented his homage fpapaccelIaq, B.] 1 tai to me after the paddy-fields that belonged to his parents were returned [to him]." (DAS:f.61 v)


Types of gifts

Conventionally, every gift has to be returned in some way, setting up a perpetual cycle of exchanges within and between generations. In some cases, the specified return is of equal value, producing a stable system of statuses; in others it must exceed the value of the earlier gift, producing an escalating contest for honour. Sahlins (1974: 186) says the connection between material flow and social relations is reciprocal. A specific social relation may constrain a given movement of goods, but a specific transaction ''by the same token" - suggests a particular social relation. Thus, relationship and gifts are reciprocal; if friends make gifts, gifts make friends.

DAS does not mention whether there was any specific form of gifts that had to be given at certain ceremonies. However, DoM clarifies this with information on the quantity of money one should contribute:

Addendum 1791: "[ ...] Regarding [...] the value [that should be] contributed in passolo: Paqbicara 4 real, Tomarilalang 2 real, Ponggawa 2 real, Anreguru Anakarung 1 real, Arung Pitu 1 real, Gellarang 2 suku, Tau tongeng 2 suku, Anakarung (who inherits property) 2 suku, Anakarung (who does not inherit any property) 1 suku, Suro 1 suku [...] in addition some would give to the Arumpone Y2 tai or 1 katie Some would contribute to the Arumpone according to the Arumpone's wish; some would contribute according to their own wishes. On the occasion of death, the contribution depends on our own wishes. For other family occasions, it will suit the adat [...]. On the occasion of papakerru sumangeq, it .depends on us. For freeman, the contribution is ~ suku or nce. For the /cadi 2 real, imam 1 real, khatib 2 suku, bilal ~ suku or maybe 1 tali. However, the donations depend on us and are not bound to the adat. For the Anreguru, [the contribution] is the same as the imam, while for the Jennang, [the contribution is]

_ 0 similar with the khatib and the same goes for the [court] scribe [... ]. The end." (DoM:fI6r-17v)

In general, though, money was observed to be the most common form of ift fI r

pakkuru sumangeq, paccellaq or any other customary ceremonie

or ritual

F r

instance, in the pakkuru sumangeq, a wide range of gifts is mentioned The t 'p


gifts and their number of occurrences in the diary can be summed up a belo


Nu n,ber ofti,nes received by the Arumpone

Money Slaves!jemma Rice Textile Jewellery Weapon Gold Buffalo Chicken Others - betel box Kettle Silver box Lake

65 18 16 1 1

0 0

0 0 0 1 0 1 1


107 times

20 times

Nun,ber ofti,lles g;l'ell away by the Arlllllpone 0

15 0 0

1 1

0 2

1 1 1


Figure 6.8: Items given at pakkuru sumangeq, 1775-1795 (source: D .. The gifts given as paccellaq can be summarised as below:

Itelll." Money Horse Slaves/ jemma Paddy Total

41 1

NU ,"ber oftillles g;,'en {lway by the Arlllllpone 0 0



1 45

0 1

NUlllber oftinles received by the Arun,pone

Figure 6.9: Items used in the paccellaq 177 -179 (ourc :D It

a a tradition for the Bone noble or for the ArumpOll ;

r p ct to the Anlmpoll' a fe


after their


edding. Th e n

ould r cei e ift from the Arumpolle and hi Queen:


to pa th ir d


_ 1

Food container - pao jengki Weapons (guns, ammunition) Silver trinkets Textiles Betel set Jemma/ Slave lewelle








13 1 12

x x




Figure 6.10: Presents given by the Arumpone and the Queen to the bride and groom, 1775-1795 (source: DAS) From the above table, there appear to be some patterns in the gi ing of gift to brid and groom. It can be seen from Figure 6.10 that customarily, the ArllmpOlle

ould offi r

weapons to the grooms; a symbol of manliness, a sign of bra ery and courage to fa their new future as husband and father (Hamid 1985: 138-39). The weapon guns, came in various kinds: the ordinary gun, the pamora aq the bagu IIq a

u uall ell a

ammunition, called badili jeppo (B.). Brides frequently received textiles and jew II r from the Queen. Two kinds of cloth seem to have been given regularly: Iipaq aq 1111/


and kalamkari 55. In addition jewellery, in particular rings decorated with preciou stones, appears to have been another common item given to the bride. Gift ofjemma or slaves could be given to the bride or the groom. From Figure 6.10, too, one interesting feature worth observing is the polarization of feminine and masculine gifts. In relation to this, textiles or cloths are con idered to b 'female goods' and are associated with fertility, as is manifestly depicted in the te til motifs of the Toba Batak of Sumatra (Niessen 1985: 114ft), and the Kodi of th umbanese (Hoskins 1989:158-162). In the culture of Atadei, of usa Tenggara Timur te ile play an important role as marriage gifts given by the bride'


to th

room's family. Among the Polynesians, cloth is essential at all birth, marria d ath , and the taking of titles or rulership. Textiles are also ignificant at fun ral a th

i nify respect for the deceased and are used to

rap the corp e before burial a

n in many other societies in Indonesia ( no ball and 1997:68-75~ cf Weiner 1992:88).

eetin 1990:




In Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's diary, several types of textiles are referred to: antalasaq, kasa, giling,56 lipaq caq ulu, kalamkari, mong, muri, muslin, tope, S7topegajang, widang, etc. Textiles were also among the presents sent by the Dutch to

the court of Bone (cf. Sutherland and Bree 1984:13-20) during the newyear, at the celebration of Eids, and on the occasion of royal births. Presents from the Dutch generally took the form of a miscellany of objects: 28th November 1776: "[...] The gift parcel, a sign of good-wishes from the Dutch had arrived and it was sent [to me] by the messenger of Parekki, [there were] two pieces of giling, a piece of muri58 cloth, a piece of white tope and a bottle of snuff." (DAS:f.17v)

20th October 1780: ''The messenger of Pajekko arrived from Ujung Pandang ordered by the Sulewatang Bontoalaq to bring the gifts of good wishes from the Company; a piece of thin muslin cloth, two bottles of snuff, a packet of spice and one palobo [a kind of vase]." (DAS:f.45r) 30th June 1789: "I Rewa came [to see me] ordered by the Sulewatang Bontoalaq to bring the goodwill gifts from the Company for the celebration of Eid ul-Fitri; a piece of yellow giling, a piece of kalamkari, three bottles of rose-water and four packets of spices." (DAS:f.l 06r) As a whole, the exchange of gifts in Bugis society takes place along the same lines and for the same motives as it does in many other societies. However, the social hierarchy prescribed and maintained by the adat code is clearly a detennining influence. Gifts given by the lower class to the ruler could be seen as tokens of love, loyalty, homage and obedience as construed by the adat. Conversely, gifts bestowed by the ruler on his nobles or subjects are tokens of honour and esteem, and could be used to buy the loyalty of his followers or subjects and to enhance diplomatic ties. Reciprocally, gifts make friends and vice-versa. The giving and the receiving of gifts by the Arumpone seems characterised more by its political than its economical function.


The word giling is absent in Matthes' diary (1874). However, it is understood to be kind of textile.


cotton. . f Aminab (1982/1983:3) describes tope as a kind of sarung worn by c~dren of~oble birth at the age 0 four years old. For more information, see Moreland (1925:239); and Andl Nurhani (1985). sa Muri is fine-quality plain weave cotton suitable for chintz painting.



Summary and conclusions

This chapter has explored the diary's potential as a historical source on Bugis society and culture. The diary enlightens us about literature, education and the arts, a range of leisure pursuits, acts of religious devotion and rites of passage. It sheds light on the rituals of the upper class and the royal court, in particular the ceremony of mangngaruq. The importance of adat in the carrying out of many of these activities is

apparent throughout. A strict social hierarchy is manifest in all forms of cultural life. This hierarchy penneated daily life in the form of titles and official positions, and the appropriate length and expense of feasts and celebrations. Some leisure activities and festive occasions were reserved solely for the upper and ruling classes. DAS provides a window on to literary production, palace ceremonies, rites of passage, and types of dance. Some of the customs recorded in DAS, such as the 'ritual separation' of the bethrothed couple prior to the marriage ceremony (appasau, B.), are still practiced today by the Bugis elite. Another dominant force in shaping Bugis culture was religious practice within the

court of Bone. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's profound interest in tariqa study resulted in the production of religious books, adding to the richness of Bugis literature. In the late 1780s, he declared the Khalwatiyyah to be an official tariqa in the Kingdom of Bone and later, on 25 th January 1809, he mentions his family members, his sons and son-inlaw, La Mappangewa and La Makkulawu, joined the Naqsyabandiah's tariqa (BL MS.Add.12350:fols 15r-16v). His religious faith, scholarship and involvement in

spiritual affairs permeates his diary. The practice of his giving and receiving gifts is illuminated in its political as well as its social dimension. On the other hand, the diary shows us some more lighthearted facets of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh' s persona. We learn about the king's favourite pastimes, and see him in the role of doting patriarch, as well as gregarious host, in organising feasts and celebrations for his family members, nobles and subjects. Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's leisure pursuits do not differ from those of other rulers in Southeast Asian kingdoms, but accounts of his pastimes have allowed us to understand

him better as a human individual. His enjoyment of the more active and traditionally masculine pursuits of horse riding and cock fighting would appear to have provided an opportunity for the male ego to assert itself. This self-profiling as a masculine personality becomes more nuanced, however, in the light of the aspirations and disappointments he voiced when competing his own fighting cocks and race horses.


Similarly, his frequent boat trips indicate a more delicate sensibility, and an appreciation of the serenity and tranquillity of the natural world. As he travelled around his domains, building networks of allegiance; Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh was able to combine his enjoyment of the countryside with day-to-day statecraft. This mixing of business and pleasure, his love of sports, and the way in which he occasionally shines through his writing as an emotionally-responsive individual, allow us to characterise

him as subtle but finn, hardworking and intelligent.


Chapter Seven Conclusions

The principal aim of this study has been to establish what the diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh can tell us about politics, economy, culture and society in the kingdom of Bone from 1775 to 1795. The intention was to further existing knowledge in a number of areas, namely the structure of the political system of Bone, the social organisation of the kingdom, the economic basis of the ruling elite, the cultural life of the court, and Ahmad as-Salleh' s political strategy in his dealings with the Dutch. The purpose of this concluding chapter is to evaluate to what extent these various aims have been realised. Bugis diaries are characterised by a matter-of-fact style of writing, and a marked economy of words. Because of their terseness, a hermetic approach to studying such a text would inevitably fall short of achieving a comprehensive understanding of the society that produced it. In order to address the issues that the conventions of this textual tradition engender, the information contained in the primary source was crossreferenced with information recorded elsewhere, in other Bugis diaries and in contemporary Dutch records. La Tenritappu Toampaliweng, who bore the regnal title of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh, was the twenty-third ruler of Bone. He began writing his diary at the age of nineteen. His diary (a single volume which I refer to as DAS) covers twenty-one years, from 1775 to 1795. DAS has a European binding of quartro size and contains 202 folio pages of imported European paper, and is preserved in the Oriental and Indian Office Collections at the British Library in London. Together with several other Bugis diaries, apart from a brief description by Cense (in Ricklefs and Voorhoeve 1977), DAS has lain undisturbed for over one and a half centuries. DAS was selected from four of Ahmad as-Salleh' s diaries because it has an average of twenty-two entries per month, considerably more than do the other three diaries. Ahmad as-Salleh explicitly mentions in DAS that he began to write his diary in preparation for his future role as king, following the decision by the nobles of Bone that he succeed his grandfather to the throne. Since the time of Arung Palakka Malampe-t Gemmeqna, the keeping of diaries was a tradition at the court of Bone. Not only the ruler, but also high ranking ministers of state, would keep their own diaries. It seems


probable that these diaries were kept at the palace at Bontoalaq, where they functioned as court records. For the ruling elite in the court of Bone, the keeping of a diary was not a 'personal' matter, but linked to political realities, and the sources of finance which underpinned the ruling of the kingdom. Traditional cultural practices were also recorded

in these diaries, in particular the life cycle ceremonies surrounding the royal family of Bone. To label these diaries simply as political, legal and commercial records would, however, be incorrect, as they also contain a wealth of infonnation on aspects of everyday life in Bugis society. There is no attempt in the diaries to separate out the threads of politics, economy, culture and ritual in their depiction of the events, both external and domestic, which they record. Their function was to serve as manuals of guidance for later rulers in matters of decision-making. Among the entries in DAS can be found references to war, disputes between Bone and the Dutch and among the nobles, trading, meetings, legal precedents and the correct implementation of traditional practices, privileges, punishments, rites and ceremonies. The nature and purpose of the Bugis diaries, and of DAS in particular, is thus very different from the conventions of the modem diary. Whereas the fonnal qualities of the modem diary centre on the exposition of the author's self-identity, such introspection is almost entirely absent in DAS. For the most part, the infonnation that can be gleaned about the person of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh is derived by drawing inferences from what he writes about his social circle, consisting of his family members, other relatives and his nobles. In spite of its prime function as a 'public' record (albeit one to which only a limited number of people would have access), DAS nonetheless constitutes its owner's personal record. The diary always accompanied the Arumpone on travels away from the royal court, as shown by entries which record the locations of their writing, for example, Makassar, Maros and the inland parts of Bone. The diary's strange combination of public events of statecraft and personal details (in one entry Ahmad as-Salleh complains about an absess on his groin, and in another of

a loud fart from the palace cook) and family outings (he enjoyed boating and fishing in the company of his wife) confound our full understanding of his diary. Nevertheless, I believe that we can understand the diary best as a public rather than a private document. At the time of the diary's writing, matters such as the king's health, and even his recreational pursuits, could be considered matters of statecraft in an age when the king, to a large degree, symbolised the kingdom itself.


DAS presents the researcher with a number of technical problems. Bugis diaries have their own criteria, relating not only to their written style, but also to features such as layout, instructions for detennining auspicious times using the hilang, and the placing of entries within the allocated space on the page, indicating the time of day the event took place. The succinctness of the entries means that the infonnation provided is frequently partial or incomplete. Close study and cross-referencing with other Bugis diaries, as well as with contemporary Dutch sources, help clarify and contextualise many of its entries, as well as to identify events on which it remains silent. Generally, Dutch records contain considerably more detail on events than the Bugis diaries, and make apparent the limits of the Bugis diaries as a historical sources. Like other diaries, DAS is largely written in the Bugis language in the Bugis script. Occasionally the Makasar language is used, while Arabic fonnulations, written in the Arabic script, occur frequently. The Arabic expressions served to give spiritual succour in the event of deaths, births, marriages, treaties of alliance, natural events such as eclipses, and calamities such as fire and flood. The political matters that Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh chose to record in his diary enable a new understanding of events in South Sulawesi during the last quarter of the eighteenth century. Most strikingly, new infonnation is obtained in those instances where the Bugis version of events deviates from that recorded by the Dutch. In addition, it is by juxtaposing the contents of DAS with other Bugis diaries and Dutch records that the real character of the writer is revealed. Aside from the characteristic brevity of the diary's accounts, a comparative approach shows that DAS omits certain events, and embellishes others. The intention of this subjective selection on the part of its author can, I argue, be understood as a desire to present to later generations the most favourable portrait possible of himself. The selective nature of the entries in the Bugis diary also functions to assert the superiority of the Bugis over other ethnic groups in South Sulawesi. In particular, the entries relating to the insurrection of I Sangkilang, and the resulting Gowa war, show the Bugis in a good light and make manifest their martial prowess against foreign powers. The issue of the sudang, as expounded by the combined information from DAS and the Dutch records, also reveals the calculated political strategy of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh. Although DAS does not function as a ledger of the Arumpone's financial transactions, it shows the various sources from which his revenues were derived. Despite difficulties in quantifying monetary values, I conclude that the kasuwiyang was the most significant source in supporting his household, while the annual Dutch grant was the most substantial, and consistent, cash revenue. Other sources of revenue, such

278 as fines, are strongly in evidence, and the economic importance of slaves as a sales commodity, and in providing labour for his rice-fields and household, is evident. Disputes over revenues occurred frequently between Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh and the Dutch administration. Mostly these centred on trading practices, and the rivalry caused by the indigenous ruling elites in having to compete with the Dutch and to abide by the regulations imposed by them (in an attempt to monopolise trade), which caused much dissatisfaction among the Bugis nobles. Ahmad as-Salleh's unhappiness with the Dutch is evident throughout the diary. Among his earlier entries are complaints about attempts by the Dutch administration to revoke certain privileges enjoyed by his ancestors. His unhappiness is exemplified in his most determined political acts, namely his refusal to return the regalia of Gowa, and his self-Iegitimisation as the ruler of Gowa. Economic disputes also arose between the Dutch and the subjects of Bone who lived under Dutch administration in Makassar and the Northern Territory. In particular, the Dutch governor complained to Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh about the difficulties that Dutch tax-collectors had in leVYing the verthiening from his subjects. The king's lenient treatment of those who refused to pay taxes to the Dutch further emphasises that harmonious bilateral relations with the Colonial administration were hardly a paramount consideration in his political stratagem. The Arumpone's growing interest in religious matters enables us to understand his firm stand towards the Company. Under the term of the treaty of Bongaya, Bone was the Company's main ally, but in reality Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh saw the Dutch as a competitor. His awareness of the Company's declining power during the eighteenth century gave him a new impetus to try its patience. His growing interest in sufism is, I would argue, to a certain extent the other side of the same coin. By identifying the kingdom of Bone more closely with Islamic tradition and practice, he was able to distance the Dutch from himself and from the identity of his kingdom. His dislike of the Dutch is expressed at times in intemperate language when he refers to the Dutch as ata

Balanda, which can be read (probably deliberately) as 'slaves of the Dutch' or 'Dutch slaves'. By juxtaposing the diary with other sources, Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh's true capabilities are revealed. On the surface, he appears an amiable and receptive man, while a deeper analysis reveals a strength of will and a toughness of character, combined in a cautious and careful nature backed by an astute mind. His personality as revealed through his diary mirrors his political stratagems. Both are subtle but selfaware.

DAS provides us with nwnerous insights into the lifestyle of the upper classes of late eighteenth century Bugis society. Social milestones such as marriages and births are

279 recorded, and much can be learned about the leisure pursuits of the Arumpone. The traditional practice of exchanging gifts allows us to assess the proximity of the relationships the Arumpone had with his nobles and relatives. These social ties and gatherings provided a kind of network to support his political career. Many entries relay a large amount of infonnation economically; interpretation can be difficult, and confusion is often compounded by the various names and titles used to refer to one and the same person. Cross-referencing the diary with other diaries and contemporary texts reduces such difficulties. Research on the history of South Sulawesi is at an early stage. There exists, in particular, a vast lacuna in our knowledge of the eighteenth century, which this current study has gone some way to redress. Its contribution to this area of research is twofold.

In the first place, the validity and viability of the Bugis diary as a source for historical analysis has been demonstrated. Subject to an adequate understanding of the nature and purpose of the Bugis writing culture, and provided that appropriate safeguards, such as cross-referencing to available secondary sources, are included in the methodology, the potential of the Bugis diary for the future study of the history of South Sulawesi is enormous. Among the strengths of the Bugis diary as a primary source are the genre's realism and detail, the immediacy and precision with which events are recorded, and, above all, the human dimension that underlies the information conveyed. The Bugis diary's usefulness as a historical source is not boundless, however, as certain limitations are inherent in its textual conventions. In particular, attempts to arrive at a rounded characterisation that gives substance to the persons mentioned in it, and even the author himself, are often frustrated by these constraints. Whatever we have learnt about the persona of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh from his diary, was inevitably mediated by the selfconsciousness of the man himself. Secondly, this research has unearthed a rich source of information concerning life in Bone during the eighteenth century. Most notably it has illuminated life at the royal court. Through the medium of his daily record, we learn also of the lives of his social inferiors, insofar as their affairs affected his duties as ruler. Interaction between the court, the nobles and their subjects occurred in a diverse range of activities, such as social gatherings and feasts, taxation and homage, and judging disputes. The relationship between the Arumpone and all strata of society, although structured within a rigid hierarchy, is shown to have involved reciprocal responsibilities. The Arumpone's relationship with, and attitude towards, the Dutch administration is shown to have varied from one of diplomacy, through unconcealed indifference, to outright belligerence. By comparison, Ahmad as-Salleh's relationships with indigenous rulers


and nobles appear to have been conducted with greater heed for the possible long tenn consequences ofhis actions toward them. This critical study of DAS has served to support and lend additional weight to existing scholarship on South Sulawesi, as well as to throw new light on important

aspects of Bugis culture. The potential for future research using Bugis diaries in concordance with other contemporary materials, and the diversity of the infonnation there is to be found within them, is clear. By identifying the weaknesses of the genre and accounting for them, it is possible to extract a wide variety of historical facts. This methodology future scholars will be able to apply and build upon in their studies. This work has also identified a number of areas in which more research would undoubtedly prove fruitful. In conclusion, the central aim and ambition of this thesis is to stimulate interest in, and to rehabilitate to some extent, a genre that constitutes a veritable gold mine of information and which, unjustly, has been overlooked by researchers for too long.

Tamat ai-kaiam.


Bibliography A. Unpublished archival material:

ANRI Mak.14. Secreete en aparte aankomende brieven en bijlagen, 1785 tot 1808: a: Translation of a letter written in Malay [by the scribe, Abdul Rahman, and the interpreter, La Pasere] by [the order of] the king of Bone to the Governor General and Raad van Indie [Committee of India] in November 1787. b: Translation of the secret [Malay] letter presented by Arung Tibojong, the Ambassador of the king of Bone, in person to the Governor-General, W. A. Alting, dated 8th June 1788. c: [A] translation of a Malay letter from the king of Bone, and the Wazier [Prime Minister] of Bone to the Government in Batavia, dated 31 st October 1788. d: Letter from the Governor of Makassar to the King of Bone, dated 27th May 1794. e: Notes made by the Company's Malay translator, Mhr. Leendert Goossen. f: A secret letter to [the Governor of Makassar] Mhr. Willem Beth from the th Governor-General in Batavia, in response to Mhr. Beth's letter dated 14 April 1791. g. Reports written by the Governor of Makassar Mhr. Willem Beth to the Governor-General W.A. Alting in Batavia, 1788. h. Translation of a letter written in Malay by the king of Bone to the Governor General and Raad van Indie in November 1787.

ANRI Mak.95c: Geheim dagregister 1789 tot den anno 1791. ANRI Mak100 No. 18: Aparte bijlagen gehoorende tot het Secreet dag register van den 20 oktober 1794 tot den 25 julij anno 1795 tb A letter to the Governor of Makassar from the King of Bone, dated 27 November 1794.

ANRI Mak 100 No. 26: Aparte bijlagen gehoorende tot het secreet dagregister van den 20oktober 1794 tot den 25 julij anno 1795: th A letter to Arung Palakka from the Governor of Makassar, dated 27 December 1794.

ANRI Mak100 No.47: Aparte bijlagen gehoorende tot het secreet dagregister van den . , 20oktober 1794 tot den 25 julij anno 1795: Letter to the King of Bone from the Governor in reply to the kmg s letter, dated 8th March 1795.

282 ANRI Mak.l 00 No. 66: Aparte bijlagen gehoorende tot het secreet dagregister van den 20 oktober 1794 tot den 25 julij anna 1795:

Translation of a pass [permission letter for trading] from the King of Bone. ANRI Mak.l 00 No. 77: Aparte bijlagen gehoorende tot het secreet dagregister van den 20 oktober 1794 tot den 25 julij anna 1795: A translated Bugis letter written by the Toman/a/ang of Bone to the Datu th Tane1:e, dated 10 July 1795, presented by the messenger of Datu Tanete to

the Governor of Makassar, Mhr. Willem Beth. ANRI Mak.117 No.5: Bij/agen geheim dagregister, 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober 1790:

A letter to Mhr. Barend Reijke from Mhr. G.B. van Diemar [Resident of Bulukumba], dated 17th December 1789. ANRI Mak.117 No. 26: Bij/agen geheim dagregister, 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober 1790:

A translated Bugis letter from the King of Bone to the Governor of Makassar from Mhr. Willem Beth, dated 15th July 1790. ANRI Mak.117 No.28: Bij/agen geheim dagregister, 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober 1790:

A letter from the King of Bone to Governor Willem Beth, dated 17th July 1790. ANRI Mak.117 No.31: Bij/agen geheim dagregister 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober anna 1790:

A letter from the King of Bone to Commander Staringh, dated 18th July 1790 and received by the Commander on 220d July 1790).

ANRI Mak.117 No.32: Bij/agen geheim dagregister, 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober 1790:

Extract of the meeting that took place on Monday 19th July 1790 between the King of Bone and the ex-Governor of Makassar, Mhr. Barend Reijke.

ANRI Mak.117 No.4l: Bij/agen geheim dagregister 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober anna 1790:

A letter to Mhr.Reijke and Mhr.Beth from the Resident of Bulukumba, Mhr. van Diemar, dated 19th January 1790. ANRi Mak.117 No.4 7: Bij/agen geheim dagregister, 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober1790:

A translated letter from the King of Bone to the Governor of Makassar, Mhr. th Willem Beth, received [by the Governor] on 16 August 1790. ANRi Mak.117 No.52: Bijlagen geheim dagregister 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober anna 1790:

A letter to Mhr. Barend Reijke and Mhr. Willem Beth from the Resident of Maros, Mhr. Burg Graaf, written on the 31 st January 1790.


ANRI Mak.117 No. 53: Bijlagen geheim dagregister, 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober1790: A translated Bugis letter from the King of Bone to the Jennang of Bonthain [without date].

ANRI Mak.117 No.68: Bijlagen geheim dagregister 21 oktober 1789 tot 18 oktober anna 1790: A translation of the document enclosed with the Bugis letter, dated 26th February 1790, being a list of grievances.

ANRI Mak.119 No. 15: Copia secrete bijlagen behoorende tot het secrete dagregister van den 20 oktober 1792 tot 29 julij 1793: A letter to the King of Bone from the Governor of Makassar, Mhr. Willem Beth, dated 10th December 1792. ANRI Mak.119 No.16: Copia secrete bijlagen behoorende tot het secrete dagregister van den 20 oktober 1792 tot 29 julij 1793: A translated Bugis letter from the King of Bone to the Governor, Mhr. Willem Beth, dated 21 st February 1793 (received on 23 rd February 1793). ANRI Mak.119 No.17: Copia secrete bijlagen behoorende tot het secrete dagregister van den 20 oktober 1792 tot 29 julij 1793: A translated Bugis letter from the King of Bone to the Governor of Makassar, dated 15th July 1792. ANRI Mak.119 No.25: Copia secrete bijlagen behoorende tot het secrete dagregister van den 20 oktober 1792 tot 29 julij 1793: A letter to the King of Bone from the Governor of Makassar, Mhr. Willem Beth, dated 19th February 1793.

ANRI Mak.119. No. 27: Copia secrete bijlagen behoorende tot het secrete dagregister van den 20 oktober 1792 tot 29 julij 1793: A letter to the King of Bone from the Governor, Mhr. Willem Beth, dated 4th March 1793 ANRJ Mak.119 No.28: Copia secrete bijlagen behoorende tot het secrete dagregister van den 20 oktober 1792 tot 29 julij 1793: A translated Bugis letter from the King of Bone to the Governor of th Makassar, Mhr. Willem Beth, received on 19 March 1793. ANRJMak135: Dagregister, 1776 -1780. Mak144b/1. Extracten (contracten) uit dagregister: Extract from the secret daily register for the month of July 1791. ANRJ Mak144b/2 No.55: Aparte bijlagen gehoorende tot secreet dagregister van den 20 oktober ultimo 1793 tot den 14 julij 1794: . A letter from the Governor [of Makassar], Mhr. Willem Beth, to the King of Bone dated 27th May 1794. ANRJ Mak144b/2 No.56: Aparte bijlagen gehoorende tot secreet dagregister van den 20 oktober ultimo 1793 tot den 14 julij 1794:

284 A letter to the King of Bone from the Company's interpreter Mhr. Deethout, dated 25 th May 1794.

ANRI Mak.144b/2 No.59: Aparte bijlagen gehoorende tot secreet dagregister van den 20 oktober ultimo 1793 tot den 14 julij 1794: Letter from the King of Bone to [the Company's] interpreter, Mhr. Deefhout, received on 9th June 1794. ANRI Mak.144b/8. Dagregister van het kasteel Rotterdam te Maccasser van primo oktober 1792 tot ultimo September 1794. Vervolg van het ordinaire dagregister gehouden ter secretarij van politik ter Gouvernement Maccasser. ANRI Mak.169: Memorie van Reijke, 1790. ANRI Mak.265. Afgaande Engelsche brieven 1812-1814: a. Letter addressed to Mr. Owen Phillips Esq., Assistant to the President, from the British Resident of Makassar, Mr. R. Phillips, dated 25 th June 1814. b. Letter addressed to the Lieutenant Governor of Java and its dependencies, Honourable Thomas Stamford Raffles, from the British Resident in Makassar, Mr. R. Phillips, dated 31 5t July 1814. c. Letter addressed to the Lieutenant Governor of Java and its dependencies, Honourable Thomas Stamford Raffles, from the British Resident in Makassar, Mr. R. Phillips, dated 13 th August 1814. d. Letter addressed to the Secretary to the Government of Batavia, from the British Resident and Commissioner in Makassar, Mr. R. Phillips, dated 2nd November 1814. e. Letter addressed to Major Bulter, Department Adjutant General of Java, st from the Assistant Commissioner, Lieutenant T.e. Jackson, dated 1 December 1814. f.

Letter addressed to the Secretary to the Government of Java, from thest Lieutenant Assistant Commissioner, Lieutenant T.e. Jackson, dated 1 December 1814.

ANRl. Mak265/2 Afgaande Engelsche brieven 1812 (20 juli - 1 september): Letter addressed to the Honourable Thomas Stamford Raffles, Lieutenant Governor of Java and its dependencies, from Mr. Richard P~lIips, Commissioner for the English Government at Makassar, dated 25 July 1812. ANRl Mak274/2: Agreement with Bone, 1774. ANRI Mak286: Dagregister, 1777 - 1778: Opstaan I Sangkilang.

ANRI Mak.354/6. Geslachtslijst der Bonieren, Soppengers en Tanettere:cn. ANRI Mak.404/4: Dagregister, januarij 1775 tot 30 juli 1776 en 24 maij 1-;-- tot 11 julij 1777 ANRI Mak.405/3. Dagregister, 1776-1777. ANRJ Mak.408/2a: Bundel brieven, 1779: Letters. ANRJ Mak.408/2b: Public notice. ANRJ Mak.419/1: Secreet dagregister beginnede met den 20 maij tot den anno Oc!ohcr 1790: Register op de marginaalen van den secreet dag l'crhaal a.1790 ANRi UP Roll 2 No.4: On the origins of La Tenritappu Matinroe ri Rompegading ANRi UP Roll 2 No.7: On the genealogy of La Tenritappu [Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh]. ANRi UP Roll 4 No. 12: Kutika for building houses. ANRI UP Roll 10 No.1 Oa: Sureq attoriolong ri Bone. ANRI UP Roll 10 No. lOb: Ada eja Tellumpoccoe. ..INRI UP Roll 13 No. 15: On the origins of the descendants of Matinroe ri Rompegading. ..INRi UP Roll 13 No. 16a: Lontaraq Arung Bone (On the declaration of loyalty by the Bugis nobles and officials towards the Arumpone). ..INRI UP Roll 16 No. 11: On the election of La Tenritappu [Ahmad as-Salleh] as the king of Bone. ..INRI UP Roll 16 No. 20: Lontaraq sakkeq rupa: The diary of Arung Timurung. 1802. A/VRI UP Roll 33 No. 27: Letter of declaration on the ownership of land. ANRI UP Roll 43 No.4: Lontaraq attoriolong.

ANRI UP Roll 74 No. 14: The diary of I Maneratu, 1827-1834.

ANRI UP Roll 79a: On the war between Bone and Sidenreng.

ANRJ UP Roll 79b: The genealogy of Matinroe ri Rompegading. BL Board's Collection F/4/557, 1796-1858. BL HOME/ MISC/ 795: An account of Celebes by William Dalrymple, April 1763. BL MS. Bugis 1: A Bugis diary, A.D. 1660-1696. BL MS. Bugis 2: A Bugis diary, A.D. 1776-1794. BLMS. OR. 8154: A Bugis diary, A.D. 1790-1800. BL. MS. ADD. 12349: A Bugis diary, A.D. 1780-1785. BL. MS. ADD. 12350: A Bugis diary, A.D. 1808- 9th July 1809, July and August 181~. BL. MS. ADD. 12354: A Bugis diary, A.D. 1775-1795. BL. MS. ADD. 12355: A Bugis diary, A.D. 1774-1787. BL. MS. ADD. 12356: A Bugis diary, A.D. 1775-1795. BL.MS. ADD. 12359: Notes on events that happened in the last quarter of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century, written in the Bugis and [a fcw in the] Malay languages. BL.


ADD.1.?373: A Bugis diary. A.D. 1793-1796.

P,VI MS. VT.?3. Nur al-Haady ita Tariq ar-Rasyiid BL Mackenzie Collection: Private Papers (European ,\Ianuscripts) .Vo, 6"':

a. Complaints made by the king of Boni to the GO\l~rnor-Gcncral in Council at Batavia and the reply in \'indication ttl it. madc hy lh\.'

Honourable Governor of Macassar, Mhr. Barend Reijke, dated 22 nd July 1783. b. Report of a committee made to the Governor in Council of \lak£L.;;sar. Mhr. Barend Reijke Esqr: On an inquiry concerning the complaints of the king of Boni, 14th July 1783. c. Compendious account drawn up by order of the Supreme Goyernment of Batavia, in their separate letter of 1st February this current year. Exhibiting all affairs and occurrences, running to the charge of the king of Boni, and his subjects, with an addition of some remarks. etc, by \ lr. P.T. Chasse, the Governor of Makassar. BL Raffles Collection No. V

UMLIB. Mik7. Miscellaneous notes.

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Glossary A

A'uzubillahi minha Adeq Afal Ajscheeper Akkarungeng AIhamdulillah AI-Isya' Amaure Anakarung Jowa Anakarung ribola Anakarung sipue Anakarung Anaq cera Anaq mattola Anaq rajeng Anaq sengngeng; sangaji Anaqdara Angngaji Anreguru Anri Antalasaq Apela Appasau Aqdatuang, Aqdaong Arajang Arumpone Arung Palakka Arung Pattola or Mattola Arung Pitu, Adeq Pitu Arung , , Ase; wasse Asma' Assarapaq Assarea Ata mahuang Ata manak

'I seek protection from Allah against this' traditional custom the Divine Action [of Allah] a Dutch Company tax official a place with an arung 'Praise is due to Allah' a prayer performed at nightfall uncle or aunt head of the soldiers family members of the court anakarung's children from a noble woman of lower degree a prince or princess of lesser nobles children and the children's children of an anaq sengngeng or sangaji who married commoner wives children of the ruling king or queen; crown prince or . pnncess anaq mattola' s children from a woman of lower status anaq mattola 's children from woman of equal status daughter the knowledge of the holy Qur' an a head of lesser nobles younger brother or sister a kind of velvet textile a kind of vessel an isolated room for the bride and groom to stay prior to the wedding title of the ruler of Sidenreng traditional regalia title of the ruler of Bone 'Lord ofPalakka', title borne by the heir apparent of Bone Crown Prince Council of Seven Lords of the Kingdom of Bone title of lord or noble of Bugis paddy the holy names [of Allah] the knowledge of Arabic grammar the Islamic law (see syari 'at) new slaves inherited slaves


Ata Ataribolang Attareka Attasalo Attoriolong, Patturioloang Ayat

slave the Icing's slaves in the palace the knowledge of the spiritual path the upper river history of the people of the past verse


Bab Badiliq jeppo Bagusuq Bandeng Barakallah Baruga Bate Salapang Belleq Bicara Bila-bbila Bilal Biluq Bisessetu Bissu Bolu Bombang Boompagt Bosaraq Bowe Bulo Bupati Buwu

chapter a kind of ammunition a kind of gun kind of sea or fresh water fish 'May Allah bless' a kind of stage, marque the Council of Gowa, consisting of nine lords a kind offish trap process of law royal summons to war or to attend a feast person who call for prayers a kind of vessel word indicating a leap year transvestite ritual specialist kind of sea or fresh water fish a kind of seashell-like clam toll bar a container with stand great grandparents bamboo district officer a kind of fishing trap made of rattan

c Cilaong Cupak

head jennang of Bone a traditional measurement weighing a quarter of a ganlang or 675 grams


Daeng Dampeng Datu Dendeng Dhi/cr

elder brother or sister to ask for pardon title of the ruler of Luwuq and the ruler of Soppeng a kind of cooked meat to recite the names of Allah



compensation or 'blood money' paid to the family of the deceased

Doi manuq Doi Doja Durian Dzat

'chicken coins'; coins with pictures of cockerel on them a kind of currency, a small specie person responsible for the management of a mosque Durio zibethnus, a kind of fruit with spiky or thorny skin the Divine Essence [of Allah]

E Eids Empang Eppo

Muslim festive celebrations, Eid ul-Fitri and Eid ul-Adha fishpond grandchild


Fa/ak Faraid Fasal

astronomical calculation (in determining the end and beginning of month in Islamic calendar) the Islamic system of distributing inheritance property part


Gantang Gaukang, gaukeng Gel/arang Giling Gubenur Guru

a kind of traditional measurement weighing four cupak or 2.176 kilograms regalia; sacred object lesser Bugis noble; a deputy regent; head of a village or regIon a kind of cotton cloth Governor teacher

H Hajratu aswad Haqiqat Hizb Hijrah

the black stone at the Kaabah the spiritual truth prayer fonnulas Muslim calendar


I'tiqad Imam

to have belief person who leads a prayer


Ina Inataue Inaure Innalillahi wa ina ilayhi .. , rop un Intje Ismujalala

mother a lower ranking official; a headman aunt 'From Allah we come and to Him we return' polite way of addressing a person, similar to Mr. [Xl divine light associated with spiritual knowledge


Jaga Jemma tongeng Jemma Jennang bola Jennang pasar Jennang Jeruk wangkang Jonga Jowa

a kind of dance a trusted serving maid or man; a trusted slave serving maids or serving guards; slaves jennang who is in charge of the palace's household jennang who is in charge of the market regent, lesser noble a kind of citrus fruit from China; similar to a clementine deer soldier


Kabupaten Kalamkari Kampung Karaeng Karatasaq Kasa Kasuwiyang Kathi, kadhi, kali Kati Kawerrang Kecamatan Keci Kemben Kemiri Kepala bicara Khatib Kitab Kora-kora Kris

regency; an administrative unit a kind of double-knotted Indian cloth settlement title for the ruler of Gowa or nobles of Makasar paper a kind of muslin cloth dues to the Arumpone Muslim cleric a kind of currency worth 80.33 real; a kind of measurement weigh 0.6 grams bundle; bunches of paddy stalks bound together district; an administrative unit ketch a kind ofbelt a kind of nut; candle-nuts Head of Justice preacher in the Friday congregation book a kind of prau dagger with a straight or wavy blade



La Galigo La ilaha illallah Muhammad Rasulullah Labubatu Langsat Latoa Lenggang perut Lingua franca Lipaq caq ulu Lomo Lontaraq Lopi

long Bugis epic poem on the legendary early rulers of Luwuq and Cina 'There is no god except Allah and Muhammad is His Messenger' anchor tax a kind of fruit with thin skin, yellow-orangish in colour. with slightly sour taste "Mirror of Kings" chronicling the wisdom of the ages and a guide for good government abdominal massage usually performed in the seventh month ofpregnancy common language spoken a sarong with a motif at the 'head' referring to the visual centre of the sarong lower ranking official in Gowa traditional manuscript written on a lontar, palm leaves, Borassus flabelliformis or Livistona tundifolia. a kind of boat; ship


Mati temei puna lambe Macceraq Majjala Makasar Makassar Malopi-lopi Mangngaruq Mappojung Mappaliliq Mappanambe Maqdanrang Maqkedangtana Matinroe ri Matoa Menreq Mong MUjair

'to urinate against a tree that goods are hanging from'; to act against the norm to smear (something) with blood in ritual ceremony to catch fish by using a fishing net that is cast out ethnic group living in southwest South Sulawesi; their language historical kingdom of the Makasars, capital port-city to go boating the Bugis way of swearing an oath of loyalty royal descendants of Luwuq agricultural rites performed prior to ploughing the paddy-fields to catch fish by using a kind of fishing net, a drag net the Arumpone's personal secretary 'Speaker of the Land', one of the highest ranking officials 'He who lies at [x]' head of a village, elders to go 'up' a kind of textile a kind of sea water fish



a fine-quality plain weave cotton suitable for chintz painting

N Ncajiangngeng Neneq Nikah muhalil Nikah Nileja tedung Nirekko

parents (could refer to mother or father) grandfather or grandmother a woman's marriage following an irrevocable divorce marry

'to be trampled by buffalo' to massage the body to make it supple

o Ossong Ota salabetta Owang

a kind of war poem betel quid given as a sign of wellwishing a kind of currency used in the eighteenth century Bone worth 10 doi


Politik kawin mawin Pabate-bate Pabean Paccellaq Padaurane Padewakang Paganrang, panganreng Pagter Pajejenangngeng Cilaong Pajumpulaweng Pakkatenni adeq Pakkuru sumangeq Palelangnge Paliliq Pamorasaq Panambe Pangellidara Pangempang Panghulu Jowa Pangibing Pang/curuq Panngadereng

political marriage land obtained through war Dutch fiscal officer to make something red; a kind of homage paid to the king brother a kind of ship a drummer Dutch tax collector the head ofjennang in Bone golden umbrella, part of Bone's regalia officials who execute the laws a ceremony perfonned to restore a person's spirit auction place tributaries and domains a kind of gun a kind of fishing trap 'to buy nobler blood' fish pond head of the troops a person who offers money or gifts to a dancing girl in order for her to dance with him a kind of Bugis boat laws and regulations

Panrosaq Pantun Paojengki Paqbicara Paqlontaraq Pariamang (windu) Passangingang Passoloq Pateko Pekki Pencak or mencak Pesse Petor; Petoroq Petta Mangkauq Pijjajonga Ponggawa Prahu/prau Primbon Pukat Pusaka

financial penalties; fines a verse with an a, b, a, b rhyme a container made from the skin of a (giant) mangl) head of Justice person skilled in reading, writing and understanding Bugis manuscripts cycle of eight years a set of clothing contribution given by nobles and populace to the king a kind of walking stick a corrupted form of Fiqh, which means a person who is knowledgeable in Islamic jurisprudence a kind of art of defence commiseration or empathy with one's fellow men an assistant resident of the Company the ruler of Bone, Arumpone cured venison meat Commander-in-Chief small boat Javanese calculation of auspicious and inauspicious timL's net inherited



the nineth month of the Hijrah calendar: the month of


fasting a Malay word equivalent to recitation of praise to Allah

Real Rijksdaalder Rijksornamenten Ringgit Rukyah

and the prophet Muhammad a kind of currency. worth 0.8 rijksdaalder a kind of currency, worthf2.5 royal decorations a kind of currency the sighting of the new moon (in detennining the beginning of the month in Islamic calendar)

s Sabageq Samparaja Sangkilang Santari

a kind of picture a flag: one of the regalia of the kingdom of BnnL' a helmsman' s seat student who learn religious stuffs in a pcsalllrCIl religious institution)



Sarong caq ulu Siri' Sirih salabetta Sirih Sisik Sompa, sunrang Sosoq Subhanallah Sudang Suku SuIewatang Suro Syahbandar Salawat Samposiseng Sao wekkeq Sawah Seajing Sedekah Sembah Sifat Sirih Songkok Sosoq Suro ribateng Suro Syariah Syeikh Syukur

a sarong with a motif at the 'head' referring to the visual centre of the sarong self-respect, dignity or face prepared betel leaf offered to a person as a sign of welcome, or blessings after having faced misfortunes betel leaf turtle or tortoise shells dowry payment made in an effort to seek pardon from the Arumpone 'May He be glorified' a kind of dagger; one of the regalia of the kingdom of Gowa a kind of currency worth a quarter of a real; an ethnic group lesser Bugis noble, a regent messenger harbourmaster praise (to the prophet Muhammad) cousin a royal creche rice-field ally alms; donation to pay respect to the ruler; to bow down the Divine Attribute [of Allah] betel leaves a kind of headgear worn by man a kind of payment of fine; pardon gift a trusted page; an official envoy whose role was to take messages to other kingdoms page, messenger Islamic jurisprudence a leader; a title to praise god

T Tadarrus Tai Talcarrub Talak Tanapamase Tanglcai Tapong

reading and learning the Qur'an in groups a kind of currency worth eight real to supplicate in order to get a closer position to God divorce land which is given as reward sheaf a kind of trousers which fall below the knee


Tarawih Tariqat (pI. thuruq) Tasawuf Tau tongeng Tau Taullah 'umur hu or (ha) Teddumpulaweng Tedong Tellumpocco

Teq Tetta Timpo Tjinkara To 'panrita, To 'sulesana Todeceng Tokko Toloq Tomanurung Tomaqbicara Tomaradeka Tomarilalang MaIolo Tomarilalang Matoa Tomarilalang Tope Topegajang

a non-obligatory prayer performed at night during the month of Ramadhan path a branch of Islamic knowledge which focuses on the development of the spiritual a trusted person, gentry or lower nobility person 'May Allah lengthen his or her life' a kind of kris, one of the Bone's regalia buffalo 'The Three Powers', a term applied to the alliance between the kingdoms of Bone. Soppeng and \Vajoq in 1584 to ascend; to go up (river) father savings box made from bamboo a plain ring; unadorned with stone a person who is well educated the good people a kind of payment of fine; payment of damages a kind of Bugis poems 'He or she who descended'. a term applied to the founding rulers of kingdoms the head Judge the freemen the junior minister of the Interior the senior minister of the Interior; President of the Supreme Advisory Council Minister of the Interior a kind of cloth a kind of cloth used to attach a weapon to the waist to

Tosama Trepang Tuda-ttudang

prevent it from falling the common people a kind of sea slug gathering prior to the main ceremony of weddings. circumcisions. and other social functions


a tax of one-tenth imposed hy the Dutch Company on subjects under its jurisdiction in \ 1akasar


w Wakafa billahi syahiida Wangkang Wanua Wasse Wette Widang Wird

~Allah is

sufficient witness' a kind of ship referred to as a Chinese junk smaller areas of territorial and political unit. each ha\·ing its own self-governing body a bundle of paddy which consists of two ka\\crrang popped rice a kind of white cloth litanies; repetititive recitation of the narnc~ of .-\ Bah

z Zakat

tithe, a fixed proportion of the wealth and property that a Muslim is liable to pay yearly




I Hamidah's first marriage: La Mappapenning TowappaIrneng Daeng Makkuling


I Hamidah Daeng Mattenang Arung Timurung


M"hn~"; Rnrnn.>a..,.Hna

I Hamidah's second marriage: Tenrikalleq ArungTonra



I I-----------I-------~-~----l--


We Padauleng

I Woja Arung Tajung

Tenritappu Sultan Ahmad as-SaUeh Syanuuddln Mattnroe Ii Rompegading ( ± 1775 - 1812 )

Arung Laijo

-------------1 • I Benrigauq

La Onro

I Waluq Arung Apala



I Walleq Petta Daeng Sagala



-----ll-- -----:-----------l-----,-----l------,-----r-----,----][----,-----1-----,---1 I Bauq Aruna Kaju

Muhammad Yusof La Mappaselling (Arung Panynyiliq)

Abdul Muhammad La Pawawoi (Arung Sumaling)


Siti Salimah

We Moniratu

(Arung Data) 1823 - 1838

\fuhammod Abdul Karim La Tenribali (Arung Ta)

Muhammad Amirullah



1835 - 18 45

La Makkulawu \runa Mampu ri

Siti Mariam Makkalaruwe

Muhammad Baqi) La Tenrisukki (Arung Kajuara)

Siti Aishoh I Mamuncaragi (Arung Moloka)

Muhammad ·\bdul Rahman La Paremmarukka (Arung Knrclloh)

\1uhammod Suloiman La Mllppangcw (Arung Lompu)

\bdul Solum



Appendix B UP Roll 131\'0.15 ) t


Appendix C:

(1) The first building on the left is said to be the location of the gra e of the twenty-third ruler of Bone, Sultan Ahmad a - alleh, at Rompegading, Makassar, South Sulawesi.

(2) The ri er hich lead to the former palace of ultan .nrana, in aro no u ed for rearin fi h

hmad a - all h

(3) The reputed site of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh s palace at Cenrana in Maros. Cenrana is the name of a tree also known as the ang ana. D records that the Arumpone planted angsana trees near his palace. Id rl informants remember the trees before the land was cleared for buildin houses.


akuri, at aro, mentioned in DA a on of th . rllmpont: place for his palace at Cenrana.

I ndin

(5) Padangsetan at Maros, one of the settlements mentioned in DA an paddy-fields have been transformed into ponds for rearing fre h at r fish.

ho (6) Pallette at Bone a place here tho committin ince t ere puni hed b dro nlO~ a



stones buried at Timurung to symbolise the 'Tellumpocco' allIance of Bone, Soppeng and Wajoq in 1584.

(8) The lalla ballgkalaq or the po iq lalla: th na I of th oil from lalla ballgkalaq a placed on a ....old n tra n Anlmpol1e put hi feet to mboli e hi d nt fr m th de cended founder of Bone.

(9) Latea riduni, one of the regalia of the kingdom of Bone

(10) The hou e of the la t Pong awa of Bon' at

atamp n

(11) The hair of Anlng Palakka




(13) Bissu in trance

( 14) Doi mal111q one dated 1791

(15) A Bugis wedding

(16) Pajumpulaw l1g on of th re alia f B n


The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Syamsuddin - Core

THE UNIVERSITY OF HULL The history of Bone A.D. 1775-1795: The diary of Sultan Ahmad as-Salleh Syamsuddin being a Thesis submitted for the Degree of...

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